For Israel (and Jews all over the world), what Hamas did last weekend deeply 
resonates as a proof of concept for how to conduct genocide as a “solution” to 
the Arab-Israeli conflict. Thus, for many, the elimination of Hamas as a 
political and military entity imposes itself as an existential imperative.

Some Israelis, who support the legitimacy of Palestinian aspirations for 
statehood, are aghast with the dire situation suffered by Gaza’s inhabitants. 
But they are a minority: the traumatic experience of the terrorist attacks that 
killed many hundreds of Israeli civilians during the Second Intifada 
effectively gutted the progressist Israeli left, and it has  never recovered. 
And in recent years, for most of a prosperous Israeli society, the Palestinians 
have become invisible, a non-issue, in particular at times of elections focused 
on other questions. Even the monster demonstrations against Netanyahu’s attempt 
to bend the judiciary to his will have seen scant protest against the 
occupation. Last weekend’s events have been a grief-filled wake-up call.

Now a traumatised population calls for revenge. How many grasp that what 
happened last weekend might be interpreted as the revenge of people traumatised 
since childhood by years of bombing, destruction and death? Which in no way 
condones the atrocities committed, on the contrary—but the same applies to both 
sides. Netanyahu’s personal call for revenge and total war echos his 
proto-Fascist government and its dream for ethnic cleansing, that seizes 
opportunistically upon every occasion to wreak havoc upon the Palestinians.

And so we witness with dismay the population of Gaza attempting to scramble to 
safety in the throes of humanitarian disaster. The Israeli military has warned 
them of impending hostilities, and is exhorting them to clear out. But at the 
same time, Hamas militants are allegedly ordering them to stay put, and 
threaten them if they leave. The Israeli military consider that they have done 
their humanitarian duty (whether lip-service or sincere is hard to say), and 
what happens to those who stay behind and get caught in the crossfire is 
considered unfortunate, collateral damage that is no longer their affair.

All this raises a troubling question: why are there no air raid shelters in 
Gaza, after so many years of bombing? Why hasn’t Hamas provided a defensive 
infrastructure to protect their civilian population, in the knowledge that the 
Israeli air force attacks those densely populated residential areas precisely 
because they contain military targets? It’s not as if Hamas lacks the know-how 
to build underground. Quite the contrary, they have spared no expense in the 
construction bunkers to safely house their military complex. In Israel, every 
inhabitant has access to shelter, either an obligatory strongroom in each 
apartment, or underground neighbourhood shelters. 

When Hamas attacked Israel in the way they did last weekend, they knew 
pertinently that Israel would retaliate with maximal force, far more extreme 
than in any previous engagement between the two. And this is undoubtedly part 
of Hamas’s plan, they have drawn up lines of battle to greet the Israeli 
military with maximal lethality. But instead of Hamas doing all in their power 
to protect the civilian population in the confined urban configuration making 
up Gaza City, they have exposed them in the front line. Cynically weaponising 
the victimhood of their own citizens, for the most macabre political gain.

Can one imagine, at the end of all this, that both peoples rid themselves of 
the leadership that has served them so badly, that they defy the conflictual 
logic that seems to govern human nature, and envisage coexistence as their only 
viable option?

Joe.



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