One policy/information gathering goal—a Left policy ask—is building a
better measure of grassroots economic status (liberated from GDP, stock
exchanges, and other statistics serving neoliberal ends). Like Brian and
collaborators’ geography of alternative energy, we need a census of skills
and work/labor/socially reproductive experiences. This type of mass
professional interviewing has historically only been carried out by
national militaries as part of “total war” mobilizations, but a better
mobilization has to facilitate collectivized provisioning. A global Left
can then organize a redistribution of material and technological capacity,
identifying “material demand” where skilled/experienced workers are
democratically commissioned by constituent consumers in their local
community. A more egalitarian economy also locates “skill demand” where
underdevelopment persists and democracies commission improvements in
quality of life practices/routines/technologies (“me too” culture miming or
probing experimentally *neo-modernism?) opposing austerity through money by
fiat is important for liberating more popular economic flows, but the Left
must define the *what we want* in fairly granular terms as well as
generalized (culture building/affirming) terms to compete with the too big
to fail elites who will gladly continue to monopolize a more generous
fiscal policy.

On Tue, Jan 19, 2021 at 1:30 PM Brian Holmes <bhcontinentaldr...@gmail.com>
wrote:

> On Tue, Jan 19, 2021 at 6:51 AM Jean-Noël Montagné <j...@autistici.org>
> wrote:
>
>>
>> I don't see the end of the neoliberal period in the maelstrom which
>> gathers populists/Trump/Qanon activists. They still behave in a
>> conservative way: guns, religion, free-market capitalism, climate change
>> denial, covid harshness denial, cult of the leader, economical
>> colonialism, etc.
>>
>
> Jean, if we simply define neoliberalism as capitalism, then nothing has
> changed. And if we measure the Zeitgeist by the side that just lost, well,
> they don't even think they lost...
>
> It's different if you look at it in political-economy terms. From that
> angle, neoliberalism as a specific doctrine - formerly called "the
> Washington Consensus" - began its decline in 2008, and that decline
> continues. Continuous reduction of trade tariffs, strong currencies bought
> at the price of fiscal austerity, multilateral negotiation on all
> international issues and international military collaboration brought to
> its height by the first Gulf War and patched up in Afghanistan later on -
> these are some of the key traits. All of those have ceased to function as
> they did at their peak. Crucially, the central banks of all major powers
> started to print money after 2008 (Europe finally accepted to do this
> rather recently) and now, in the US, the new administration in the voice of
> the country's most official ever economist, Larry Summers, has declared
> that rising debt does not cause inflation and therefore that essentially
> unlimited money can and will be spent. Goodbye, Washington Consensus! This
> approach will inevitably be taken by all the other countries and blocs
> (which have mostly already started down that road) and the result will be,
> in my best projection, at least as great a sea change in the global economy
> as was experienced in the early 1980s, when the policy package and business
> model of neoliberalism was invented.
>
> The groundswell that Trump rode to power was nationalist and
> anti-neoliberal. As president, Trump stoked the nationalist demand while
> continuing to carry out the neoliberal program through tax cuts,
> deregulation and curtailment of social services. However this contradiction
> at the heart of his presidency is now tearing the Republican party apart,
> and the damage that neoliberalism has done makes further neoliberalization
> impossible for the Democrats, even though they are the ones who brought
> that policy package to its culmination under Clinton (remember the
> Clinton/Shroeder/Blair era). This is not just about the US, but it might be
> safe to say that the decline in US power and prestige is itself a facet of
> the global retreat from neoliberalism. The rising prestige of China, with
> its controlled currency and state-guided economy, is another one (which is
> in the process of becoming a real nightmare under Xi). As yet, no new
> consensus model has appeared, but that may begin happening this year, so be
> alert!
>
> How all this unfolds is not only something to observe, but something to
> fight for. Particularly important is how the financial markets evolve. At
> the outset of the pandemic, as after 2008, the US Treasury made large
> amounts of US dollars available to around fifteen major countries, so they
> could maintain their dollar reserves despite their citizens trying to buy
> all the dollars they could. This was a deliberate effort to preserve
> neoliberal globalization and surely those efforts are not over, so the
> trend lines I am pointing to could still be reversed. So far, one of the
> outstanding contradictions of the new regime is that socialized national
> money props up a thoroughly privatized, stateless circulation system
> accessible only to elites. In short, the battle over the future of the
> money-form is underway.
>
>>
>> As a nettime reader, interested by net and digital culture, I have
>> studied the power of social networks algorithms on the sudden emergence
>> of Gilets Jaunes in France. Gilets Jaunes movement is almost identically
>> composed by the same items we see in US, apart from some national
>> cultural particularities: distrust of the political class, feeling of
>> social downgrading, feeling of territorial abandonment, decline in
>> purchasing power, specially for working class and low/middle class,
>> ideas mixed with all fake news and comploting theories.
>>
>> This is totally interesting and I would like to know more. I share your
> analysis, except for me it's just an opinion, a feeling. I also have the
> impression that there is a lot more intermixing between the Gilets Jaunes
> and the far left/anarchist sectors than here, but anyway, it's all a result
> of the plunder that elites and the upper middle classes have carried out
> over the last four decades, no wonder the people revolt. Europeans really
> need to understand these similarities. Merkel is holding the lid on the pot
> in Germany...
>
>
>> The first struggle to build in my opinion, is the struggle against
>> social networks, and at the same time, the promotion of the use and
>> build of other alternatives ( existing or to by built) for press, local
>> direct democracy, information and education.
>>
>
> I am certain everyone agrees with you about GAFAM, another entirely
> characteristic neoliberal phenomenon whose contradictions have just
> exploded in our faces over here. Democracy as collective self-governance
> basically works - to the extent it ever does work - when different groups
> of people achieve consensus and even some degree of common purpose by
> peaceful, procedural deliberation. As that ideal breaks down, all social
> media can do is enflame passions, and then feed parasitically off the
> attention-storm. There is no chance for an individual or small group to
> find out what he/she/they believe - instead their hot button is pushed.
> It's a formula for civil war and it has gotten close to delivering that.
> Meantime Jack Dorsey regrets banning Trump (I think the employees forced
> him) and he dreams of stateless currency and freedom without
> responsibility. I think the reason that we all remain on nettime is that
> occasionally we can have a real debate here. At the same time, the McAlevey
> position is right as far as I can see, and yours is too. Without more
> cross-class local involvement at the neighborhood and institutional levels,
> one ends up stuck in an electronic echo-chamber. I think that kind of
> involvement has to climb the ladder of civil society, working through the
> NGOs and levels of government as all successful activism does. No country
> is ever governed by popular power alone, because it takes specialized
> political and pundit classes just to perceive what is happening in a large
> country, and it takes specialization to carry out all advanced technical
> operations. Nonetheless, democratic or egalitarian change has to start with
> the formation of political demands at the grassroots. In Chicago if you are
> not connected to a neighborhood org you are nothing. It's a terrifying
> city, but the political activism is very impressive.
>
> all the best, Brian
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