http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=383

 <http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/>  


 <http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=383> Debate on U.S. Kosovo Policy
Brewing in Washington


by Srdja Trifkovic

 Srdja Trifkovic
<http://temp.macdock.com/chroniclesmagazine/wp-content/uploads/2007/05/strif
kovic.thumbnail.jpg> As we near the deadline of December 10 for the Contact
Group Troikas report on its attempts to negotiate a solution to the
problem of Kosovo, the voices of reason in the United States are finally
becoming more influential and more articulate than ever before. Over the
past two weeks alone, John Bolton, Christian Science Monitor commentator
David Young, and a host of prominent analysts meeting at a conference in
Washington D.C. have warned that the U.S. policy in the Balkans is heading
for the rocks.

On November 1 the Voice of America interviewed former U.S. Ambassador to the
UN, John Bolton, about the future status of Kosovo. Mr. Bolton expressed the
view that the State Department has conducted a consistently
<http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-article.php?yyyy=2007&mm=11&dd=01&nav_
id=45035>  anti-Serbian policy for more than 15 years. Unfortunately, he
said, this biased policy has continued even though there is no logical
reason for it after the fall of Milosevic:

While Serbia is trying to establish an effective and functional democracy
regarding human rights and other issues, the anti-Serbian policy has
continued, especially with regard to Kosovo, where a decision in favor of
its independence could only create other concerns. Such a decision could
impact on the democracy in progress in Serbia, and the possibility that the
Security Council would step beyond its authority, which would be very
unfortunate. This is one of the numerous examples of behavior by the State
Department, which is a problem the next President has to solve.

John Bolton is the most prominent former Administration official so far to
be so outspoken about the U.S. policy in the former Yugoslavia. In his VoA
interview he was adamant that the United States should not recognize any
unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence:

Such a decision, which would be taken under threat of violence, would
actually represent a way to reward bad behavior. The issue of Kosovo should
be solved by two parties at the negotiation table . . . this is much better
than to impose a solution on one side or the other, based on a wrong
understanding of the situation.

Bolton added that the last thing we should do is to sow the seeds for future
conflicts under the pressure of one side or the other. Of his new book,
Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and
Abroad, Bolton said it was focused on how the policy is actually
formulated. He quoted a senior State Department official who told him that
if they knew how we formulate our foreign policy, Americans would be very
dissatisfied.

That the critique of the current U.S. policy on Kosovo is steadily becoming
more mainstream was also apparent from David Youngs excellent article
<http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/1105/p09s02-coop.html>  (If You Give
Separatists An Inch . . . ) in the November 5 issue of the Christian
Science Monitor. It warned that Washington has been encouraging, and will
continue to encourage, foreign governments to support a technically illegal,
self-declared, independent Kosovo in the event that negotiations collapse.
The author points out that there are more than 50 separatist conflicts
across the globe, and few of the governments that have endured the bane of
irredentism will be eager to recognize Kosovo if such a precedent could come
back to haunt them.

The State Department official in charge of European affairs Daniel Fried
claimed earlier
<http://www.transnational.org/Area_YU/2007/Oberg_UniqueKosovo.html>  this
year that Kosovo is a unique situation because NATO was forced to intervene
to stop and then reverse ethnic cleansing. The Security Council authorized
Kosovo to be ruled effectively by the United Nations [and] stated that
Kosovos final status would be the subject of negotiation. Those conditions
do not pertain to any of the conflicts that are usually brought up in this
context. But Young notes that, unfortunately, Washingtons unique
arguments are actually engraving a separatist playbook in stone, blazing a
glorious trail that separatists will follow with greater determination,
recruits, and (in all likelihood) success:

By so explicitly stating the merits of Kosovar self-determination and
independence, Washington is essentially creating an innovative code, only to
make the cipher publicly available. Current and future separatists merely
have to manufacture the same conditions and sequencing that have compelled
the West to embrace an independent Kosovo: terrorize locals, invite
government crackdowns, incite a rebellion, and lure in foreign intervention
and commitment to rebuild. Once militants get this far, Kosovo will no
longer be unique even by Washingtons peculiar standardsand areas that share
Kosovos characteristics will be equally deserving of independence. The
horrid irony, of course, is that declaring Kosovos uniqueness has been
Washingtons deliberate attempt to prevent future separatism, but it is
inadvertently teaching militants how to navigate the complex inconsistencies
of geopolitics. In fact, the more thorough and persuasive Western
governments are about Kosovos uniqueness, the more legitimate
separatists ambitions become, if only they follow the Kosovo model.

Not only has Washington had a hard time selling Kosovos independence to all
but its closest allies, the Christian Science Monitors contributor
concluded, but the very basis for that appeal is even more threatening to
governments that would face invigorated separatism in the wake of an
independent Kosovo even if that independence is informal and technically
illegal: with the unique endorsement, Washington and a few European
capitals create new separatist analogies for the future, and our failure to
anticipate these complicated roadblocks will cost our allies more than
anyone else.

The climate in Washington is changing. Over the past decade the nations
capital has been the venue of countless conferences and symposia on Kosovo
by the International Crisis Group, the United States Institute of Peace, the
Wilson Institute, and a myriad of like-minded institutions. All of them
shared one unchangeable assumption: that independence is the only solution.
Their only disagreements, if any, have been how to get from where we are now
to carving up Serbia and welcoming Kosova into the international
community. Very few voices opposing the wisdom of that outcome have been
allowed a proper platform and a fair hearinguntil now.

On October 23 The Lord Byron Foundation for Balkan Studies, in cooperation
with The American Council on Kosovo, held a conference
<http://www.serbianna.com/news/2007/02769.shtml>  at Washingtons Capitol
Hill Club under the title of Kosovo, a Preventable Disaster. The whole-day
event attracted some 70 attendees. Those present included journalists, a TV
camera team from the Voice of America, Congressional staffers, policy
analysts from various government agencies, and foreign diplomats.

Two members of the House of Representatives and ten panelists who addressed
the conference did not agree on every point, but all of them were generally
critical of the assumptions that are enshrined in current U.S. policy on
Kosovo. To that extent, this event has contributed to kick-starting the
ongoing debate, and to the creation of some badly lacking analytical
balance.

The keynote address was <http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=375>
delivered by Ambassador James Bissett, Chairman of The Lord Byron
Foundation, who warned that a new breed of American political leaders have
betrayed the trust bestowed upon them by the Founding Fathers: By doing so
they have abandoned the very principles upon which America was founded . . .
[T]hey have lost the moral authority that formed the real strength of the
democratic countries in overcoming the forces of totalitarianism.

According to James Jatras, Washingtons irrational and destructive Balkan
policy is to a significant extent the product of the ignorant and misguided
notion that the U.S. can curry favor in the Islamic world by sacrificing
Kosovos Christians to the violent jihad-terror elements that dominate
Kosovos Albanian leadership. Such an unfounded notion shows a breathtaking
incomprehension of the worldwide jihadist threat. International opposition
and the Bush Administrations failing domestic credibility put a weight on
the policy, however, which can be dealt a fatal blow if enough Americans
raise their voices against it.

Professor of Strategy at the Naval War College in Rhode Island John
Schindler opened with the warning that the much-misunderstood Bosnian jihad
remains a troubling template for future Al-Qaida operations in the
Balkansespecially Kosovoand across the world. Al Qaida considers the
Bosnian war one of its top three victories (along with Afghanistan in the
1980s and Chechnya in the mid-1990s), as it provided Bin Ladens legions
with a place to win critical battlefield and propaganda experience. Dr.
Schindler said that the jihadist success in Bosnia can be attributed largely
to the successful application of information operations as a core element of
strategy: those who hope to defeat the jihad in the Balkans and elsewhere
must learn to match the enemys formidable capabilities. Recognizing
Kosovos unilaterally complained independence would be counter-productive
and detrimental to that objective.

Director of the Center for the Study of Political Islam Bill Warner
presented a devastating account of the fate of various minority non-Muslim
populations in predominantly Muslim societies. What has happened to the
Serbs and other non-Albanians in Kosovo fits in with the tradition of
intolerance that is endemic to the Muslim mindset, Warner argued, and that
in Kosovo combines with a particularly virulent form of ethnic nationalism
to produce a lethal mix. This theme was also developed by Ben Works,
Director of SIRIUS. His focus was on the phenomenon of predatory
migrationsof which Kosovo provides a classic example. Independence under
whatever name and with whatever guarantees would only reward the process
of ethno-religious cleansing that has been going on since June 1999.

Former New York Times correspondent in Belgrade David Binder focused on the
overall dysfunctionality of todays Kosovo: an economy stuck in misery; a
bursting population of young people with criminality as the sole career
choice; an insupportably high birthrate; and a society imbued with
corruption and a state dominated by organized crime figures. Binder noted
that political unrest and guerrilla fighting in the 1990s led to basic
changes in Kosovo-Albanian society. The result is a civil war society in
which those inclined to violence, ill-educated and easily influenced people
could make huge social leaps in a rapidly constructed soldateska.

Doug Bandow started his closing remarks by noting that the only consistency
in the U.S. policy in the Balkans is the odd insistence that the Serbs have
to lose on each and every account. In Bosnia they are subjected to
centralization, but in Kosovo they are asked to accept amputation in the
name of self-determination. The Administration is continuing to act as if
the outcome in Kosovo is preordained, which indicates that the U.S. has
learned nothing since 1999. A unilateral declaration of independence would
divide the EU, set a collision course with Russia, and alienate Serbia which
is the hub of the western Balkans. To prevent a series of negative
consequences, Bandow suggested, we need negotiations without preconditions
and without a prescribed outcome. A clear warning from Brussels that the EU
would be badly split by the U.S. recognition would certainly help. Serbia
needs to focus on lobbying Europeans to that end.

NOT TOO LATE?The rising opposition to the Bush Administrations policy of
bringing about Kosovos independence by hook or by crook is taking place at
a crucial moment. With the threat looming of a Kosovo Albanian unilateral
declaration of independence and Washingtons pledge of recognition,
authoritative voices of sanity have started to speak more freely than ever
before about the disaster that would ensue. But will anyone listen?
Predicting a sudden attack of common sense in Washington is always a risky
proposition.

The support of such respected Members of Congress as Dan Burton and Melissa
Bean show that reasonable and courageous people can and therefore will do
the right thing. More importantly, John Bolton, David Young, and the
Washington conference participants have exposed, if more proof could be
needed, the bankruptcy and futility of Americas Kosovo policy. It is a
policy that cannot prevail in the long run, as now is evident to everyone
but its authors in government and a few think tanks inside the Beltway.

 

Chronicles Foreign Affairs Editor Srdja Trifkovic opened the afternoon
session at the Conference by focusing on the need for Serbia to diversify
her foreign policy options. Instead of continuing to swear by the receding
dream of European integrations (not to mention the counter-productive
Atlantic ones, that aim at NATO membership), Belgrade should make it clear
to the West Europeans and to the U.S. that it can no longer be taken for
granted. If the pleas and arguments based on legality, morality and common
sense are ignored, Trifkovic asserted, then, perhaps, those based on
Realpolitik will be heeded: Serbia is still the key to the region, and
ignoring her interests will carry a priceyet to be determined and stated by
Belgradefor those who still think that they can carve the country up with
impunity.

Reply via email to