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COMMENTARY 






Time for an independent Serbia


By Michael C. Polt
February 17, 2008 

It's time. Time for Serbia to unilaterally declare its independence. This
independent country can then effectively champion the rights of all the
people of Kosovo, particularly ethnic Serbs, as well as protect its historic
heritage there.

This independent Serbia can then put a final end to the Balkan wars of the
1990s, as it scoops up Radko Mladic and sends him to be dealt with by others
rather than allowing him to hide behind the broad, but bent, shoulders of
the Serbian people.

This liberated and independent Serbia can then allow the ingenuity and skill
of its people to build a prosperous and just society and become the region's
most important democracy.

Too bad it will not happen this way. Serbia's leadership rejects
independence for Kosovo and thereby rejects independence for Serbia. And
Serbia's radical right rejects even the country's rejectionist leadership.
The Serbian people want nothing better than to achieve their real
independence and thus victory over the past, but they are being told "real"
Serbs don't want victory. "Real" Serbs want a good losing fight, followed by
a spirited centuries-long discussion of what and who caused the loss.

But without a credible Serbian champion for Serbian independence, the great
people of this country are never served another diet other than the old,
always failing, conventional wisdom of the Serbia's historical lot in life.

So as a practical American, schooled in the ways of political opportunity,
even at a certain risk, I have often asked myself why doesn't a smart
Serbian leader boldly offer the people the independence they desire? During
my years as our ambassador in Belgrade, I actually did ask this question
directly and I consistently received the same answers from one side of
Serbian society: (1) The people would rather give up the future of Serbia,
to fight for a future of Kosovo inside Serbia; and (2) Any leader, no matter
how popular, who would support or even accept the independence of Kosovo,
would be committing political suicide. A similar, although steadily
weakening, argument was made regarding the delivery of Radko Mladic.

A number of analysts, domestic and international, are quite concerned over
these assertions, along with the accompanying threat that Serbian
independence from its past will threaten Serbian democracy and regional
stability. I do not expect any of this to occur.

Serbia actually started building its democracy after it lost in its Bosnia
and Kosovo adventures, and became more productive as a nation after the end
of its unhappy marriage to Montenegro. It will eventually be the best Serbia
it can be after Kosovo independence and Mladic are behind it as well. I
don't think the majority of the truly remarkable people of Serbia fear life
after Kosovo, but heated politicians' rhetoric makes for a handy populist
argument against "vicious, land-grabbing Americans, Europeans and that
anti-Serb court in The Hague."

We are now past the latest of several deadlines in the international
community's quest for Serbian independence. On Dec. 10, 2007, the
U.S.-European Union-Russian troika concluded its efforts to encourage a
negotiated solution on Kosovo. There was none. On Feb. 3, a democratically
minded and Europe-oriented candidate won re-election as president of Serbia.
Regrettably, he too feels he must stick to the majority rhetoric on Kosovo
of Serbia's political leadership.

The only solution for Kosovo — and more importantly for Serbia — is
well-known. Kosovo will be separated from Serbia without Belgrade's
negotiated agreement, achieving a status independent from Belgrade. But
Kosovo will not be even remotely independent of its responsibilities for
building a just society for all of its people, as it must.

Highly unlikely to achieve any Russian support, the United States and Europe
must accompany both independence processes without Moscow. It will continue
to be a thankless and expensive task. But the completion of Europe is
serious business. We owe it to our Serbian and Albanian friends to allow no
further continuances and to liberate them both, because they simply cannot
do it for themselves. They deserve so much better than they are currently
getting.

 

Michael C. Polt is a career diplomat who most recently served as the U.S.
ambassador to Serbia 2004-2007. He is currently a senior trans-Atlantic
Fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States on temporary loan
from the State Department. The views expressed in this article are his own
and do not necessarily reflect those of the U.S. State Department or the
United States government.

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