<http://www.eurasianhome.org/xml/t/opinion.xml?lang=en&nic=opinion&pid=1171>
http://www.eurasianhome.org/xml/t/opinion.xml?lang=en&nic=opinion&pid=1171

 

EUARASIAN HOME ANALYTICAL RESOURCE (RUSSIAN FEDERATION)

 

OPINION

 

Boris Kagarlitsky, Moscow

 

RADOVAN KARADZIC FACES TRIAL. BUT WHO CAN JUDGE?

 

According to the generally accepted political logic, the arrest of Radovan
Karadzic and his bringing to Hague Tribunal are expected to put an end to
the Balkan drama of 1990s. But what’s actually happening seems to be quite
the reverse. The Serbian society has got accustomed to the new reality. It
suffered another indignity as Kosovo had declared independence in February
of 2008. The Serbian society put up with its defeat preferring the distant
opportunity of its integration into the European Union to the losing
struggle against the West. This is indicated by both the outcome of the
presidential election in Serbia, which brought a pro-Western candidate to
power, and the sluggish reaction to Karadzic’s arrest. If this had occurred,
for example, five years ago, a lot of protesters would have gone into the
streets. Now, despite the fact that a large part of the population sees the
event as a betrayal and a reprisal against the “Serbian hero”, few people
took part in the protest action. The Serbian society did not agree with the
West and did not like the European ideas, but it had to accept the
situation. The Serbians do not consider Karadzic’s punishment to be fair,
but they are sure that injustice will triumph and hope that Serbia will
receive compensation being admitted to the EU. On the whole, there is
complete apathy among the society.

It may be a big mistake on the part of the Serbian authorities to have
arrested Karadzic. If they believe that mainly the Serbian police’s
inability to find and arrest the villains (heroes) of the Bosnian war
prevents Serbia from joining the EU, the Serbian authorities are extremely
naive. Against the background of the general crisis of the European project,
after the referendum in Ireland has been lost and when differences in the
Western community have been growing, there is almost no chance that new
countries will join the EU. But even if Serbia managed to do that, it would
be disappointed like its East European neighboring countries that had become
the EU member states. When in Serbia the issue of Karadzic’s bringing to the
tribunal in The Hague was being addressed, in Brussels it was decided to cut
off aid that Bulgaria should receive within the framework of the European
programs. The reason is corruption and Bulgaria’s political system which
does not meet the Western standards. Rumania has been warned too. Those two
countries are very loyal to Brussels, but at a time when the EU is facing a
growing economic and political crisis it cannot afford to satisfy the
requirements of the East European elites. As for the rest of the population
of the East European states, they are supposed to be cheap manpower. But
this manpower is needed less and less in the EU. The sagging demand makes
even the cheapest manpower redundant.

Serbia’s wish to do its best to enjoy the West’s favor is quite
understandable, but it does not make Karadzic trial more moral and
legitimate. Those who persecuted and arraigned him do not seem to be bearers
of high moral principles, justice and humanity. Karadzic may be seen as a
hero only by those who think in terms of the late Middle Ages when the ruler
was considered good only if he protected the interests of his own people
resolutely and strictly, with human lives and morality being of no
importance to him. But even this logic, which is ascribed to Niccolo
Machiavelli, cannot justify Karadzic since he was defeated. Victors are not
judged. But Karadzic is a loser, and therefore he is under trial.  

What matters here is not so much Karadzic’s guilt as the morality of his
judges. Karadzic and, most likely, his associate General Ratko Mladic will
answer for the Srebrenica Massacre. No politicians answered for the murders
of the Serbians in Croatia. The political leaders of the Croatian and
Bosnian murderers, unlike the Serbian ones, escaped trial. Recently one of
the leaders of the Albanian nationalistic movement in Kosovo, who is accused
by the Serbians of massacres, has been acquitted in a demonstrative way. No
wonder that the Serbian society does not think that the Western courts are
fair. 

Bill Clinton and Tony Blair are responsible for the bombardments of Bosnia
and Serbia, but nobody will think about prosecuting those respectable
politicians.  

When the Serbian detachments occupied Srebrenica, a Dutch peacemaking
battalion was deployed there. The only task of the battalion was to protect
the civilian population, but its commanders kept from the task and, as a
result, the Serbians and the Muslims were left to deal with each other.
Later on, this led to a scandal in the Netherlands, but no one of the
country’s highest-rank military officers was tried by a military tribunal.
Previously military officers were shot in wartime for such a violation of
the duty. 

In the Netherlands Karadzic will have to stay in a pretty comfortable cell
for many years attempting to justify himself. Former President of Serbia
Slobodan Milosevic died in The Hague before being sentenced. I doubt that
Karadzic’s situation will be different. The tribunal is both unfair and
inefficient. The relatives of the Bosnian Muslims, who would like Karadzic
to be punished, as well as the Serbians, who look on Karadzic as a hero,
will be disappointed in the long run.  

The trial will only rub salt into everybody’s wounds showing that the Balkan
conflict is not settled, that the Balkan policy of the EU is bad and that
the Balkan ruling circles are unable to work.

In a sense, Karadzic has already punished himself. Hiding from persecution
he had to change his name and, actually, his personality several years ago.
Would anybody envy him? And the occupation, which he chose, indicates that
he seeks to turn over a new leaf and expiate his guilt. 

Maybe, should Karadzic have been allowed to stay in Belgrade and work as a
healer? 

Boris Kagarlitsky is Director of the Institute of Globalization and Social
Movements

August 4, 2008

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