On 2/7/06, Rob Kelley (yahoo) <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> Michael:
>
> The Weekly Standard?  Ha, that may take awhile: "The Weekly Standard
> magazine is considered the prime voice of Republican neoconservatives, and
> one of the most influential publications in Washington under the Bush
> Administration."
> [http://www.disinfopedia.com/index.php?title=Weekly_Standard ]

My point!  They (currently) control the discussion.  So if it's not
coming from that direction it's not really being said (I'm pessimistic
:-) )

Michael


>
> On 2/7/06, Rob Kelley (yahoo) <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> > The Nation gets hip to Network Neutrality...
> >
> > > From The Nation [posted online on February 1, 2006]
> > >
> > > http://www.thenation.com/doc/20060213/chester
> > >
> > > The End of the Internet?
> > >
> > > by JEFF CHESTER
> > >
> > > The nation's largest telephone and cable companies are crafting an
> > > alarming set of strategies that would transform the free, open and
> > > nondiscriminatory Internet of today to a privately run and branded
> > > service that would charge a fee for virtually everything we do online.
> > >
> > > Verizon, Comcast, Bell South and other communications giants are
> > > developing strategies that would track and store information on our
> > > every move in cyberspace in a vast data-collection and marketing
> > > system, the scope of which could rival the National Security
> > > Agency. According to white papers now being circulated in the
> > > cable, telephone and telecommunications industries, those with the
> > > deepest pockets--corporations, special-interest groups and major
> > > advertisers--would get preferred treatment. Content from these
> > > providers would have first priority on our computer and television
> > > screens, while information seen as undesirable, such as peer-to-
> > > peer communications, could be relegated to a slow lane or simply
> > > shut out.
> > >
> > > Under the plans they are considering, all of us--from content
> > > providers to individual users--would pay more to surf online,
> > > stream videos or even send e-mail. Industry planners are mulling
> > > new subscription plans that would further limit the online
> > > experience, establishing "platinum," "gold" and "silver" levels of
> > > Internet access that would set limits on the number of downloads,
> > > media streams or even e-mail messages that could be sent or received.
> > >
> > > To make this pay-to-play vision a reality, phone and cable
> > > lobbyists are now engaged in a political campaign to further weaken
> > > the nation's communications policy laws. They want the federal
> > > government to permit them to operate Internet and other digital
> > > communications services as private networks, free of policy
> > > safeguards or governmental oversight. Indeed, both the Congress and
> > > the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) are considering
> > > proposals that will have far-reaching impact on the Internet's
> > > future. Ten years after passage of the ill-advised
> > > Telecommunications Act of 1996, telephone and cable companies are
> > > using the same political snake oil to convince compromised or
> > > clueless lawmakers to subvert the Internet into a turbo-charged
> > > digital retail machine.
> > >
> > > The telephone industry has been somewhat more candid than the cable
> > > industry about its strategy for the Internet's future. Senior phone
> > > executives have publicly discussed plans to begin imposing a new
> > > scheme for the delivery of Internet content, especially from major
> > > Internet content companies. As Ed Whitacre, chairman and CEO of
> > > AT&T, told Business Week in November, "Why should they be allowed
> > > to use my pipes? The Internet can't be free in that sense, because
> > > we and the cable companies have made an investment, and for a
> > > Google or Yahoo! or Vonage or anybody to expect to use these pipes
> > > [for] free is nuts!"
> > >
> > > The phone industry has marshaled its political allies to help win
> > > the freedom to impose this new broadband business model. At a
> > > recent conference held by the Progress and Freedom Foundation, a
> > > think tank funded by Comcast, Verizon, AT&T and other media
> > > companies, there was much discussion of a plan for phone companies
> > > to impose fees on a sliding scale, charging content providers
> > > different levels of service. "Price discrimination," noted PFF's
> > > resident media expert Adam Thierer, "drives the market-based
> > > capitalist economy."
> > >
> > > Net Neutrality
> > >
> > > To ward off the prospect of virtual toll booths on the information
> > > highway, some new media companies and public-interest groups are
> > > calling for new federal policies requiring "network neutrality" on
> > > the Internet. Common Cause, Amazon, Google, Free Press, Media
> > > Access Project and Consumers Union, among others, have proposed
> > > that broadband providers would be prohibited from discriminating
> > > against all forms of digital content. For example, phone or cable
> > > companies would not be allowed to slow down competing or
> > > undesirable content.
> > >
> > > Without proactive intervention, the values and issues that we care
> > > about--civil rights, economic justice, the environment and fair
> > > elections--will be further threatened by this push for corporate
> > > control. Imagine how the next presidential election would unfold if
> > > major political advertisers could make strategic payments to
> > > Comcast so that ads from Democratic and Republican candidates were
> > > more visible and user-friendly than ads of third-party candidates
> > > with less funds. Consider what would happen if an online
> > > advertisement promoting nuclear power prominently popped up on a
> > > cable broadband page, while a competing message from an
> > > environmental group was relegated to the margins. It is possible
> > > that all forms of civic and noncommercial online programming would
> > > be pushed to the end of a commercial digital queue.
> > >
> > > But such "neutrality" safeguards are inadequate to address more
> > > fundamental changes the Bells and cable monopolies are seeking in
> > > their quest to monetize the Internet. If we permit the Internet to
> > > become a medium designed primarily to serve the interests of
> > > marketing and personal consumption, rather than global civic-
> > > related communications, we will face the political consequences for
> > > decades to come. Unless we push back, the "brandwashing" of America
> > > will permeate not only our information infrastructure but global
> > > society and culture as well.
> > >
> > > Why are the Bells and cable companies aggressively advancing such
> > > plans? With the arrival of the long-awaited "convergence" of
> > > communications, our media system is undergoing a major
> > > transformation. Telephone and cable giants envision a potential
> > > lucrative "triple play," as they impose near-monopoly control over
> > > the residential broadband services that send video, voice and data
> > > communications flowing into our televisions, home computers, cell
> > > phones and iPods. All of these many billions of bits will be
> > > delivered over the telephone and cable lines.
> > >
> > > Video programming is of foremost interest to both the phone and
> > > cable companies. The telephone industry, like its cable rival, is
> > > now in the TV and media business, offering customers television
> > > channels, on-demand videos and games. Online advertising is
> > > increasingly integrating multimedia (such as animation and full-
> > > motion video) in its pitches. Since video-driven material requires
> > > a great deal of Internet bandwidth as it travels online, phone and
> > > cable companies want to make sure their television "applications"
> > > receive preferential treatment on the networks they operate. And
> > > their overall influence over the stream of information coming into
> > > your home (or mobile device) gives them the leverage to determine
> > > how the broadband business evolves.
> > >
> > > Mining Your Data
> > >
> > > At the core of the new power held by phone and cable companies are
> > > tools delivering what is known as "deep packet inspection." With
> > > these tools, AT&T and others can readily know the packets of
> > > information you are receiving online--from e-mail, to websites, to
> > > sharing of music, video and software downloads.
> > >
> > > These "deep packet inspection" technologies are partly designed to
> > > make sure that the Internet pipeline doesn't become so congested it
> > > chokes off the delivery of timely communications. Such products
> > > have already been sold to universities and large businesses that
> > > want to more economically manage their Internet services. They are
> > > also being used to limit some peer-to-peer downloading, especially
> > > for music.
> > >
> > > But these tools are also being promoted as ways that companies,
> > > such as Comcast and Bell South, can simply grab greater control
> > > over the Internet. For example, in a series of recent white papers,
> > > Internet technology giant Cisco urges these companies to "meter
> > > individual subscriber usage by application," as individuals' online
> > > travels are "tracked" and "integrated with billing systems." Such
> > > tracking and billing is made possible because they will know "the
> > > identity and profile of the individual subscriber," "what the
> > > subscriber is doing" and "where the subscriber resides."
> > >
> > > Will Google, Amazon and the other companies successfully fight the
> > > plans of the Bells and cable companies? Ultimately, they are likely
> > > to cut a deal because they, too, are interested in monetizing our
> > > online activities. After all, as Cisco notes, content companies and
> > > network providers will need to "cooperate with each other to
> > > leverage their value proposition." They will be drawn by the
> > > ability of cable and phone companies to track "content usage...by
> > > subscriber," and where their online services can be "protected from
> > > piracy, metered, and appropriately valued."
> > >
> > > Our Digital Destiny
> > >
> > > It was former FCC chairman Michael Powell, with the support of then-
> > > commissioner and current chair Kevin Martin, who permitted phone
> > > and cable giants to have greater control over broadband. Powell and
> > > his GOP majority eliminated longstanding regulatory safeguards
> > > requiring phone companies to operate as nondiscriminatory networks
> > > (technically known as "common carriers"). He refused to require
> > > that cable companies, when providing Internet access, also operate
> > > in a similar nondiscriminatory manner. As Stanford University law
> > > professor Lawrence Lessig has long noted, it is government
> > > regulation of the phone lines that helped make the Internet today's
> > > vibrant, diverse and democratic medium.
> > >
> > > But now, the phone companies are lobbying Washington to kill off
> > > what's left of "common carrier" policy. They wish to operate their
> > > Internet services as fully "private" networks. Phone and cable
> > > companies claim that the government shouldn't play a role in
> > > broadband regulation: Instead of the free and open network that
> > > offers equal access to all, they want to reduce the Internet to a
> > > series of business decisions between consumers and providers.
> > >
> > > Besides their business interests, telephone and cable companies
> > > also have a larger political agenda. Both industries oppose giving
> > > local communities the right to create their own local Internet
> > > wireless or wi-fi networks. They also want to eliminate the last
> > > vestige of local oversight from electronic media--the ability of
> > > city or county government, for example, to require
> > > telecommunications companies to serve the public interest with, for
> > > example, public-access TV channels. The Bells also want to further
> > > reduce the ability of the FCC to oversee communications policy.
> > > They hope that both the FCC and Congress--via a new Communications
> > > Act--will back these proposals.
> > >
> > > The future of the online media in the United States will ultimately
> > > depend on whether the Bells and cable companies are allowed to
> > > determine the country's "digital destiny." So before there are any
> > > policy decisions, a national debate should begin about how the
> > > Internet should serve the public. We must insure that phone and
> > > cable companies operate their Internet services in the public
> > > interest--as stewards for a vital medium for free expression.
> > >
> > > If Americans are to succeed in designing an equitable digital
> > > destiny for themselves, they must mount an intensive opposition
> > > similar to the successful challenges to the FCC's media ownership
> > > rules in 2003. Without such a public outcry to rein in the GOP's
> > > corporate-driven agenda, it is likely that even many of the
> > > Democrats who rallied against further consolidation will be "tamed"
> > > by the well-funded lobbying campaigns of the powerful phone and
> > > cable industry.
> >
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