Dana,
    Read this article:
http://www.broadcastingcable.com/article/CA6305438.html?display=Breaking+New
s
<http://www.broadcastingcable.com/article/CA6305438.html?display=Breaking+Ne
ws&referral=SUPP&nid=2228> &referral=SUPP&nid=2228
 
and I think you will begin to see that such fears are unfounded.  
 
Jim

-----Original Message-----
From: Dana Spiegel [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Tuesday, February 07, 2006 11:09 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: 'Rob Kelley (yahoo)'; [email protected]
Subject: Re: [nycwireless] The End of the Internet?


Jim, 

I hardly think that's the point. Besides the fact that Jeff Chester _is not_
extreme and _takes no side_ in the article re: nuclear power, you are (as
I've come to expect from your posts) arguing irrelevant details instead of
the larger issue.

In the article below, which everyone should read, Jeff lays out a number of
important points regarding the promises that were made when we (taxpayers)
helped these companies build their networks, and these companies' failures
to live up to their end of the bargain. Furthermore, instead of trying to
provide what they promised to us, they are taking advantage of the
monopolistic market position we put them in.

Net neutrality is not a new thing. It is the oldest and most important part
of the internet's infrastructure. Now, after pulling a bait and switch on us
over the past 2 decades, the telcos are trying to pull another bait and
switch on us.



Dana Spiegel
Executive Director
NYCwireless
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
www.NYCwireless.net
+1 917 402 0422

Read the Wireless Community blog: http://www.wirelesscommunity.info


On Feb 7, 2006, at 9:16 PM, Jim Henry wrote:


This guy (the author, not you Rob) references nuclear power like it's a BAD
thing! Concern for large companies exercising their market power over their
netwokrs isn't going to get much traction when it only comes from people on
the extreme.

Jim


-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf 
Of Rob Kelley (yahoo)
Sent: Tuesday, February 07, 2006 12:50 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [nycwireless] The End of the Internet?


The Nation gets hip to Network Neutrality...


>From The Nation [posted online on February 1, 2006]

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20060213/chester

The End of the Internet?

by JEFF CHESTER

The nation's largest telephone and cable companies are crafting an
alarming set of strategies that would transform the free, open and  
nondiscriminatory Internet of today to a privately run and branded  
service that would charge a fee for virtually everything we 

do online.


Verizon, Comcast, Bell South and other communications giants are
developing strategies that would track and store 

information on our  

every move in cyberspace in a vast data-collection and marketing  
system, the scope of which could rival the National Security  
Agency. According to white papers now being circulated in the  
cable, telephone and telecommunications industries, those with the  
deepest pockets--corporations, special-interest groups and major  
advertisers--would get preferred treatment. Content from these  
providers would have first priority on our computer and television  
screens, while information seen as undesirable, such as peer-to- 
peer communications, could be relegated to a slow lane or simply  
shut out.

Under the plans they are considering, all of us--from content
providers to individual users--would pay more to surf online,  
stream videos or even send e-mail. Industry planners are mulling  
new subscription plans that would further limit the online  
experience, establishing "platinum," "gold" and "silver" levels of  
Internet access that would set limits on the number of downloads,  
media streams or even e-mail messages that could be sent or 

received.


To make this pay-to-play vision a reality, phone and cable
lobbyists are now engaged in a political campaign to 

further weaken  

the nation's communications policy laws. They want the federal  
government to permit them to operate Internet and other digital  
communications services as private networks, free of policy  
safeguards or governmental oversight. Indeed, both the 

Congress and  

the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) are considering  
proposals that will have far-reaching impact on the Internet's  
future. Ten years after passage of the ill-advised  
Telecommunications Act of 1996, telephone and cable companies are  
using the same political snake oil to convince compromised or  
clueless lawmakers to subvert the Internet into a turbo-charged  
digital retail machine.

The telephone industry has been somewhat more candid than the cable
industry about its strategy for the Internet's future. 

Senior phone  

executives have publicly discussed plans to begin imposing a new  
scheme for the delivery of Internet content, especially from major  
Internet content companies. As Ed Whitacre, chairman and CEO of  
AT&T, told Business Week in November, "Why should they be allowed  
to use my pipes? The Internet can't be free in that sense, because  
we and the cable companies have made an investment, and for a  
Google or Yahoo! or Vonage or anybody to expect to use these pipes  
[for] free is nuts!"

The phone industry has marshaled its political allies to help win
the freedom to impose this new broadband business model. At a  
recent conference held by the Progress and Freedom Foundation, a  
think tank funded by Comcast, Verizon, AT&T and other media  
companies, there was much discussion of a plan for phone companies  
to impose fees on a sliding scale, charging content providers  
different levels of service. "Price discrimination," noted PFF's  
resident media expert Adam Thierer, "drives the market-based  
capitalist economy."

Net Neutrality

To ward off the prospect of virtual toll booths on the information
highway, some new media companies and public-interest groups are  
calling for new federal policies requiring "network neutrality" on  
the Internet. Common Cause, Amazon, Google, Free Press, Media  
Access Project and Consumers Union, among others, have proposed  
that broadband providers would be prohibited from discriminating  
against all forms of digital content. For example, phone or cable  
companies would not be allowed to slow down competing or  
undesirable content.

Without proactive intervention, the values and issues that we care
about--civil rights, economic justice, the environment and fair  
elections--will be further threatened by this push for corporate  
control. Imagine how the next presidential election would 

unfold if  

major political advertisers could make strategic payments to  
Comcast so that ads from Democratic and Republican candidates were  
more visible and user-friendly than ads of third-party candidates  
with less funds. Consider what would happen if an online  
advertisement promoting nuclear power prominently popped up on a  
cable broadband page, while a competing message from an  
environmental group was relegated to the margins. It is possible  
that all forms of civic and noncommercial online programming would  
be pushed to the end of a commercial digital queue.

But such "neutrality" safeguards are inadequate to address more
fundamental changes the Bells and cable monopolies are seeking in  
their quest to monetize the Internet. If we permit the Internet to  
become a medium designed primarily to serve the interests of  
marketing and personal consumption, rather than global civic- 
related communications, we will face the political 

consequences for  

decades to come. Unless we push back, the "brandwashing" of 

America  

will permeate not only our information infrastructure but global  
society and culture as well.

Why are the Bells and cable companies aggressively advancing such
plans? With the arrival of the long-awaited "convergence" of  
communications, our media system is undergoing a major  
transformation. Telephone and cable giants envision a potential  
lucrative "triple play," as they impose near-monopoly control over  
the residential broadband services that send video, voice and data  
communications flowing into our televisions, home computers, cell  
phones and iPods. All of these many billions of bits will be  
delivered over the telephone and cable lines.

Video programming is of foremost interest to both the phone and
cable companies. The telephone industry, like its cable rival, is  
now in the TV and media business, offering customers television  
channels, on-demand videos and games. Online advertising is  
increasingly integrating multimedia (such as animation and full- 
motion video) in its pitches. Since video-driven material requires  
a great deal of Internet bandwidth as it travels online, phone and  
cable companies want to make sure their television "applications"  
receive preferential treatment on the networks they operate. And  
their overall influence over the stream of information coming into  
your home (or mobile device) gives them the leverage to determine  
how the broadband business evolves.

Mining Your Data

At the core of the new power held by phone and cable companies are
tools delivering what is known as "deep packet inspection." With  
these tools, AT&T and others can readily know the packets of  
information you are receiving online--from e-mail, to websites, to  
sharing of music, video and software downloads.

These "deep packet inspection" technologies are partly designed to
make sure that the Internet pipeline doesn't become so 

congested it  

chokes off the delivery of timely communications. Such products  
have already been sold to universities and large businesses that  
want to more economically manage their Internet services. They are  
also being used to limit some peer-to-peer downloading, especially  
for music.

But these tools are also being promoted as ways that companies,
such as Comcast and Bell South, can simply grab greater control  
over the Internet. For example, in a series of recent white 

papers,  

Internet technology giant Cisco urges these companies to "meter  
individual subscriber usage by application," as 

individuals' online  

travels are "tracked" and "integrated with billing systems." Such  
tracking and billing is made possible because they will know "the  
identity and profile of the individual subscriber," "what the  
subscriber is doing" and "where the subscriber resides."

Will Google, Amazon and the other companies successfully fight the
plans of the Bells and cable companies? Ultimately, they 

are likely  

to cut a deal because they, too, are interested in monetizing our  
online activities. After all, as Cisco notes, content 

companies and  

network providers will need to "cooperate with each other to  
leverage their value proposition." They will be drawn by the  
ability of cable and phone companies to track "content usage...by  
subscriber," and where their online services can be 

"protected from  

piracy, metered, and appropriately valued."

Our Digital Destiny

It was former FCC chairman Michael Powell, with the support of then-
commissioner and current chair Kevin Martin, who permitted phone  
and cable giants to have greater control over broadband. 

Powell and  

his GOP majority eliminated longstanding regulatory safeguards  
requiring phone companies to operate as nondiscriminatory networks  
(technically known as "common carriers"). He refused to require  
that cable companies, when providing Internet access, also operate  
in a similar nondiscriminatory manner. As Stanford University law  
professor Lawrence Lessig has long noted, it is government  
regulation of the phone lines that helped make the Internet 

today's  

vibrant, diverse and democratic medium.

But now, the phone companies are lobbying Washington to kill off
what's left of "common carrier" policy. They wish to operate their  
Internet services as fully "private" networks. Phone and cable  
companies claim that the government shouldn't play a role in  
broadband regulation: Instead of the free and open network that  
offers equal access to all, they want to reduce the Internet to a  
series of business decisions between consumers and providers.

Besides their business interests, telephone and cable companies
also have a larger political agenda. Both industries oppose giving  
local communities the right to create their own local Internet  
wireless or wi-fi networks. They also want to eliminate the last  
vestige of local oversight from electronic media--the ability of  
city or county government, for example, to require  
telecommunications companies to serve the public interest 

with, for  

example, public-access TV channels. The Bells also want to further  
reduce the ability of the FCC to oversee communications policy.  
They hope that both the FCC and Congress--via a new Communications  
Act--will back these proposals.

The future of the online media in the United States will ultimately
depend on whether the Bells and cable companies are allowed to  
determine the country's "digital destiny." So before there are any  
policy decisions, a national debate should begin about how the  
Internet should serve the public. We must insure that phone and  
cable companies operate their Internet services in the public  
interest--as stewards for a vital medium for free expression.

If Americans are to succeed in designing an equitable digital
destiny for themselves, they must mount an intensive opposition  
similar to the successful challenges to the FCC's media ownership  
rules in 2003. Without such a public outcry to rein in the GOP's  
corporate-driven agenda, it is likely that even many of the  
Democrats who rallied against further consolidation will be 

"tamed"  

by the well-funded lobbying campaigns of the powerful phone and  
cable industry.


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