<http://online.wsj.com/article_print/0,,SB110989806676870251,00.html>

The Wall Street Journal


 March 4, 2005

 COMMENTARY


Vova the Dread

By NINA L. KHRUSHCHEVA
March 4, 2005; Page A14


Vladimir Putin's presidency proves that Stalinism will never end in Russia.
Emerging from the past, Russian dictatorship continues into the future
almost without pause, changing only in name: Ivan the Terrible, Peter the
Great, Koba the Dread. Fourteen years after the fall of the Soviet Union,
Russia's people discovered that their lives fare better with dictators.
Hence the readiness with which we came to like "Vova" Putin's firm hand. We
support his jailing the "dishonest" oligarchs, his clamping down on the
"irresponsible" press and promoting a dictatorship of order over
transparent laws. We are eager to sing his praises -- a hit pop song goes,
"I want one like Putin" -- and make chocolate statues of this, oh, so
pleasantly sweet modern autocrat.

In fact, many Russians believe that clampdowns are necessary given the
president's agenda: bring the Kremlin back to the center of politics and
economy; reduce the influence of the "oligarchs"; ensure the president's
"vertical power," necessary to strengthen sovereignty and security; secure
for the state Russia's vast energy production; return to Russia its
international prestige. And while some of his successes are questionable,
72% of the public trusts him nonetheless. As a people relatively new to
democracy, Russians still believe in "czars," not peasants. We hate rulers
who look and act like us: Khrushchev with his energetic fists and Ukrainian
shirt, Gorbachev with a birthmark on his bald head, Yeltsin with his mujik
drunkenness.

Stalin, on the other hand, cautiously built himself an official image that
concealed from the demos that he was squat and pockmarked. Mr. Putin, too,
carefully constructs his enigma: Despite many public appearances we are
still guessing what lies beneath his "soul": new technocrat or old spy? The
historian Richard Pipes has consistently warned of a challenge to
democratize Russia. People need, even want, protection from themselves, and
so crave a stately strong hand. The current rise of Stalinism (in the polls
Koba -- Stalin -- takes second place after Vova the Quiet), is not entirely
Mr. Putin's fault. When Yeltsin stood on the tank in 1991, Russia, with its
history of oppression, didn't know that democracy required individual
contributions, whether or not there was Yeltsin leading the way. We haven't
yet come to grips with the democratic/free market idea that there is no one
but yourself to blame if things don't work out.

After the freedoms of perestroika and the anarchy of post-socialism, it
turns out that without control from above, we don't like our poor,
dishonest selves. The new autocracy has discovered it doesn't need a
mausoleum to protect itself from the people: The fear of freedom makes us
good volunteers, wanting a ruler who provides a sense of orderly life. So
what if Stalin ruled by a different kind of fear, fear for one's life, we
now say. That fear wasn't as threatening as having to live with decisions
we take on our own. To a typical Russian question -- Who is to blame? --
there is now an answer: the reformers, Khrushchev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin. To
another typical question -- What is to be done? -- the answer is also
ready: back to Stalin, to the great statehood. Back then, we may have been
killed and imprisoned, but how grand were our victories and parades! The
late Vyacheslav Molotov once lamented, "With Stalin we all followed the
directions of his strong hand; when the hand got weaker, each started to
sing his own song." He blamed the "reformers" for "letting out a beast that
brings horrible harm to our society. It's called democracy,
humanitarianism, but it's simply a bourgeois influence."

Today there is little doubt that Mr. Putin's politics is a modern version
of a strong-hand rule. Ever so obedient, Russian citizens take cues from
the Kremlin: In the last few years, over a hundred books have been
published praising Stalin. In one such, Elena Prudnikova, a journalist from
St. Petersburg, insists, "The country, deprived of the high ideals, in just
a few decades has rotted to the ground. After the denunciation of Stalin in
[1956] we lived on, increasingly useless and dirtier." Marshal of the
Soviet Union Dimitry Yazov, former defense minister and a coup leader
against Gorbachev's "bourgeois influence" in August 1991, a political
criminal only a decade ago, has become a hero. His memoirs are a
bestseller. Moreover, today Yazov is shown as a victim: All those
Khrushchevs, Gorbachevs and Yeltsins manipulated public opinion into
wanting unnecessary freedoms back then.

Thanks to the steady and stately leadership of Vladimir Putin in a new
century, people have returned to their senses.

Ms. Khrushcheva, great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, teaches
international affairs at the New School University in New York.

-- 
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R. A. Hettinga <mailto: [EMAIL PROTECTED]>
The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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