http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Printable.asp?ID=9189

 

To Try a Terrorist
By Lorenzo Vidino <http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/authors.asp?ID=1914>

FrontPageMagazine.com | August 1, 2003

On August 12, a second member of the infamous al-Qaeda Hamburg cell will
stand trial in Germany. Abdelghani Mzoudi, a Moroccan student who moved to
Germany in 1995, is accused of having willingly provided assistance to the
9/11 hijackers and of being a member of a terrorist organization. His case
closely resembles that of Mounir Motassadeq, another Moroccan student
sentenced to fifteen years in prison by a German court this February. German
prosecutors have collected several pieces of evidence linking Mzoudi, like
Motassadeq, to the men who carried out the 9/11 attacks. But even if
prosecutors� case against Mzoudi proves successful, German authorities will
be far from completely dismantling the network that helped make 9/11
possible.      

According to prosecutors, Mzoudi�s Hamburg apartment served as the meeting
place of a group of Islamic radicals who, bound by a common hatred for the
United States and Jews, planned an attack that would shock the world. The
apartment was referred to by the men as Dar al Ansar, or �House of the
Followers.� Tellingly, this name was also given to the Peshawar office used
by Osama Bin Laden as a safe house for fighters who were traveling to
Afghanistan during the 1980�s to wage jihad against the Soviet Union.

After countless meetings at Mzoudi�s apartment, some members of the Hamburg
cell went to the United States to attend flight schools and carry out the
lethal 9/11 plan; others remained in Hamburg providing logistical help.
Prosecutors assert that while the men who worked from Germany may not have
known every detail of the plot, they were well-aware of the fatal intentions
of their U.S.-based cohorts. For instance, Mounir Motassadeq allegedly told
a friend, �[The 9/11 hijackers] want to do something big. The Jews will burn
and we will dance on their graves.�       

Mzoudi helped facilitate this murderous scheme by allowing Mohammed Atta and
Marwan al-Shehhi, pilots of the planes that hit the Word Trade Center, to
use his Hamburg apartment address. This arrangement enabled Atta and
al-Shehhi to conceal their real whereabouts while they traveled to
Afghanistan and applied to flight schools in the U.S. Al-Shehhi also used
Mzoudi�s address on a new passport issued him by his native United Arab
Emirates after he claimed to have lost his original one. This tactic is used
frequently by terrorists to conceal visits to Afghanistan. 

Mzoudi played a substantial role in the financial structure of the Hamburg
cell, sending money, for example, to al-Shehhi while al-Shehhi attended
flight schools in the United States. In addition, Mzoudi managed the
finances of Hamburg cell member Zakariya Essabar as Essabar trained in an
Al-Qaeda camp in Afghanistan (Mzoudi himself attended an al-Qaeda training
camp near Kandahar in 2000). Incredibly, even as Mzoudi managed the accounts
of men responsible for the largest terrorist attack in U.S. history, he
received funding from the University of Hamburg�s Student Center. 

The difficulty faced by German prosecutors in the case of both Mzoudi and
Motassadeq lies in the fact that two were facilitators, sending money and
providing apartments to terrorists but not actually carrying out terrorist
acts themselves. Indeed, the lawyers for both men have argued that their
clients believed they were simply helping fellow Muslims. When asked why he
wired money to al-Shehhi, Motassadeq explained: �I�m a nice person, that�s
the way I am.� Mzoudi claims he knew members of the Hamburg cell only
casually and had no knowledge of their violent intentions.  

According to Mzoudi�s indictment, the Hamburg cell was composed of eight
men: the three pilots (Atta, al-Shehhi and Jarrah); a would-be pilot (Ramzi
Binalshibh) who later bragged of having masterminded the operation in an
interview with Al-Jazeera television; and four facilitators (Bahaji,
Essabar, Motassadeq and Mzoudi). But recent arrests prove that others who
had close contacts to the cell were involved in terrorist activities as
well.

In March, Italian police arrested several men accused of forming a cell that
provided material support to Ansar al-Islam, an Iraqi-based group linked to
Al-Qaeda. One of the men, a Moroccan named Mohammed Daki, was interrogated
by German authorities in the aftermath of 9/11 for his ties to several of
the hijackers. Daki, who attended the same university as Motassadeq and
Bahaji, worshipped at the al Quds mosque, a site frequented by members of
the Hamburg cell. Daki also allowed Ramzi Binalshibh to use his address in
papers filed with the German government in 1997. Although Daki�s role
closely resembles that of Motassadeq and Mzoudi, for reasons yet to be
explained German authorities have decided not to indict him. Still,
suspicions over Daki�s role in the Hamburg cell remain. In 1999, as members
of the Hamburg cell were applying for visas, Daki was granted a student visa
of his own at the U.S. Embassy in Berlin. Needless to say, American
authorities are eager to learn the real purpose of Daki�s visa. 

Daki was just one of several men living in Hamburg during the late 1990�s
who crossed paths with the 9/11 hijackers. Some, like Binashibh and Mohammed
Zammar, the Syrian believed to have recruited the hijackers, have been
caught. Others like Essabar and Bahaji, both wanted by German authorities
after fleeing to Pakistan a few days before the 9/11 attacks, are still at
large. Disturbingly enough, some are still living as free men in Germany. An
example is Mamoun Darkazanli, whose al-Qaeda ties date back to the mid-90�s.
Despite Darkazanli�s business dealings with several al-Qaeda operatives,
authorities have never been able to make a case against him. 

Considering the recently published Congressional Report on the 9/11 attacks,
which states that �legal barriers restricted Germany�s ability to target
Islamic fundamentalists,� German prosecutors� failure to indict Darkazanli
comes as no surprise. But American efforts to infiltrate the Hamburg cell
were equally disjointed. The Congressional Report shows that on several
occasions the F.B.I. and C.I.A. unknowingly operated against the same
targets. Shockingly, the F.B.I. legal attach� in Germany did not recall
getting information about Darkazanli and Zammar from either the German
government or the C.I.A. before 9/11. He was also unaware that both men had
been the subjects of investigations before the attacks. Another opportunity
to expose the plot was missed in March of 1999, when the C.I.A. received
intelligence about a student living in Germany named Marwan who had been in
contact with both Zammar and Darkazanli. Closer communication with other
U.S. agencies as well as German authorities may have helped the C.I.A. to
understand that �Marwan� was actually 9/11 hijacker Marwan al-Shehhi. While
the Patriot Act has enabled the U.S. to greatly expand its intelligence
capabilities and begin rectifying past mistakes like the al-Shehhi fiasco,
partial changes to Germany�s counterterrorism laws have had little effect.
This legislative failure, combined with systematic political correctness,
ensures that Germany will remain a safe haven for Islamic radicals.



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