http://terrorismexperts.org/terrorism_research_suicide1.htm
Altruism and Fatalism: The Characteristics of Palestinian Suicide Terrorists Introduction On the afternoon of Friday, April 16th, 1993, Israeli radio reported a terrorist attack at a restaurant near Mechola in the Jordan Valley. In contrast to previous incidents, this time the terrorist, a member of the Hamas organization, parked a car loaded with explosives in between two buses next to the restaurant and then, rather than leave the car behind, he chose to detonate the explosive device with himself inside. Despite the fact that, in terms of the number of casualties, the attack did not differ much from previous acts of terror perpetrated by Palestinian organizations, it was nevertheless unprecedented. This was the first time a Palestinian organization had initiated a suicide bombing against an Israeli target (Schweitzer, 2001). The event in Mechola signaled the beginning of a long chain of suicide attacks executed by Palestinians against Israeli targets and, in effect, over the last decade, the suicide method became one of the most prevalent tactics of the Palestinian struggle. Who are these people, willing to sacrifice their lives in such an act, and what drives them to do these things? Some of the scholars and journalists who addressed these questions depicted the suicide bombers (also known as religious martyrs�Shahids) as people whose motivation is a composite of religious beliefs and economic poverty (Dickey, 2001). They are often unmarried religious men who are unemployed and who believed they would be rewarded for these attacks with a glorious afterlife and an eternal place in heaven (Rubin, 6.30.2002). Ganor (2000) emphasized that suicide terrorists do not have to undergo a long socialization process before participating in the suicidal act. According to his contention, the suicide terrorist was not typically an active member of any terrorist organization before his last fatal attack and he had not participated in routine terrorist activities. On the contrary, in most cases he was a young, vulnerable person with strong religious affiliations. According to Ganor, these religious feelings had been skillfully manipulated in order to persuade him into taking part in the terrorist operation. Thus, it is not surprising that many of the recruitments took place in mosques and religious schools. In our present analysis, we will question these assumptions while relying on the concepts of altruistic and fatalistic suicide from Durkheim's (1897) typology of suicide behavior. Based on a newly established database compiled for this purpose, which includes an information base on suicide as well as non-suicide Palestinian terrorists from 1993 till the beginning of 2002, we will identify the characteristics of individuals who killed themselves or attempted to do so in the course of carrying out terrorist attacks on Israeli targets. Then we will ask, how do such `suicide terrorists' differ from perpetrators of terrorist attacks who did not intend to kill themselves in the course of these operations? Based on these findings, we will assess whether suicide terrorists fit the altruistic type or fatalistic one, or alternatively, maybe they represent a combination of both types and thus can be labeled under a new category of `fatalistic altruistic'. Suicide Terrorism Suicide terrorism is nothing new in human history; it first appeared long before the Palestinian-Israeli struggle. This phenomenon was seen among the Jewish Sicaris as early as the 1st century, among the Moslem Hashishiyun in the 11th century and among the Asians in the 18th century (Schweitzer, 2001). In the late 20th century, suicide terrorist attacks took place in countries such as Lebanon, Egypt, Turkey and Sri Lanka. Contrary to other terrorist attacks, even the most dangerous ones, the suicide attack is an "operational method in which the very act of the attack is dependent upon the death of the perpetrator" (Ganor, 2000: 1). The terrorist is fully aware that if he does not kill himself, the planned attack will not be implemented. Most suicide attacks are executed by activating explosives carried on the terrorist's body in the form of a portable explosive charge, or planted in a vehicle driven by the terrorist himself (Ganor, 2000). The suicide terrorist essentially becomes a `human time-bomb'. He selects the time and place to activate the explosion in accordance with prevailing circumstances in order to cause maximum damage to the target (Schweitzer, 2001). In effect, suicide terrorism has inherent tactical advantages over `conventional' terrorism: "It is a simple and low-cost operation (requiring no escape routes or complicated rescue operations); it guarantees mass casualties and extensive damage; there is no fear that the interrogated terrorists will surrender important information (because their deaths are certain); and it has an immense impact on the public and the media (due to the overwhelming sense of helplessness)" (Sprinzak, 2000, 66-68). Since the early 1990s, researchers have shown much interest in this subject, addressing it mainly from two perspectives. Most of them focused on the operational aspects of suicide bombing (Joshi, 1996; Kushner, 1996; Israeli, 1997; Sprinzak, 2000; Schweitzer, 2001) that is, how attacks were carried out and under what circumstances. Other analysts (Merari, 1990) have employed behavioral theories in an effort to explain the Shahid's motivations. Adopting the latter approach, we will look into the characteristics of suicide bombers by applying conceptual and theoretical frameworks that have developed over the years and are based on Durkhiem's (1897) seminal work on suicide. The Suicide Terrorist Unlike most studies in this field, which focus on egoistic and anomic suicide, we will focus on Durkheim's less explored categories, specifically, altruistic and fatalistic suicide (Johnson, 1979; Young, 1972). According to Johnson (1979), these two categories of suicide can be mostly applied to traditional societies going through political, social and economic transitions, such as the Palestinian society (Brynen, 1995; Hussein, 2000), whereas, the categories of egoistic and anomic suicide are mostly applicable to postindustrial societies. Altruistic Suicide Palestinian suicide terrorists, according to Riemer (1998, 104), can be defined as committing altruistic suicide. According to Durkheim (1951, 227), altruistic suicide may occur when a person becomes deeply integrated into a social group and suicide becomes a `duty' for the members of that group. The aim of the suicide act is not to satisfy the person who commits suicide but rather the group to which he or she belongs. Moreover, Johnson (1979) argues that people who commit altruistic suicide perceive their own lives as secondary to the interest of the collective. Hence, the tendency to commit suicide will increase if the person believes that by sacrificing his/her life, it will help the collective achieve its goals. The subcategory of altruistic suicide in Durkheim's typology also seems to be highly applicable to the phenomenon of suicide terrorism. The category, `acute altruistic suicide', refers specifically to the suicide of martyrs. These individuals perceive a lofty and glorious place for themselves in the spiritual and mystical realm beyond life on earth. According to Young (1972, 105), the person who commits acute altruistic suicide must be certain he has no life of his own. Moreover, he must believe in a beautiful conception of the afterlife and possess a serene conviction derived from the feeling of duty accomplished. Finally, this person is carried to his death in a burst of faith and enthusiasm. Fatalistic Suicide Acts of fatalistic suicide, according to Johnson (1979), as well as Taylor (1982), characterize situations of hopelessness which result from continuous political and economic oppression. As noted by Stack (1979, 162): "Fatalistic suicide�results from excessive regulation, such as that of persons with futures blocked, aspirations choked by oppressive discipline, and persons living under physical or moral despotism� Fatalistic suicides involve an escape from a normative situation from which there is no appeal". Furthermore, Stack contends that rates of fatalistic suicide are related to the degree of political totalitarianism or over-regulation. Conditions such as the banning of political parties, detentions or deportations of opposition politicians, the declaration of martial law and closing down newspapers for purposes of censorship, create a condition of over-control. "In such a totalitarian environment, marked by relatively low freedom and respect for human dignity, already suicidal persons have an additional reason for viewing life as meaningless and are more apt to commit suicide" (Stack, 1979, 162). Altruistic and Fatalistic Suicide in the Context of Terrorism Despite the fact that the aforementioned categories of suicidal behavior were not, according to Durkheim and his successors, linked to terrorism or to acts in which a person sacrifices his/her own life in the intent to kill many others, we believe that these two categories may be related to the phenomenon of suicide terrorism. Recent studies in the field of terrorism indicate that suicide behavior can be attributed to both altruistic and fatalistic tendencies. For example, contrary to the common assumption, according to which suicide bombers are mostly vulnerable people who have never been members of a terrorist organization and were recruited only for the suicidal mission (Ganor, 2000), Merari argues that "suicide terrorism as we know it is an organized, organizational phenomenon" (Moghadam, 2002). Hence, it can be argued that, as dictated by the altruistic perspective, people who commit suicide are strongly integrated into a social group and commit suicide as a means of helping the group attain its goals. Moreover, an extensive scrutiny of the chronology of suicide terrorism in different parts of the world over the last two decades reveals that most of the attacks were carried out by members of religious organizations such as Al-Qaeda, Hizballah, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (Schweitzer and Shay, 2002). Studies which focused on the profiles of the perpetrators themselves revealed that most of them were educated in religious schools and were known to practice Islam in their everyday lives (Merari, 1990; Ganor, 2000; Schweitzer, 2001). This pattern coincides with the concept of `acute altruistic suicide', according to which the suicidal act stems from a strong religious conviction in the glorious destiny which awaits the perpetrator in the afterlife, following the fulfillment of his mission on earth. Such beliefs can be derived from certain interpretations of Islam as well as other religious beliefs (Andriolo, 2002). Nevertheless, additional studies of the profiles of suicide bombers reveal a strong correlation with the fatalistic type. For example, according to Ganor, the typical Hamas Shahid is not only a religious male but is also young, unmarried, unemployed, with some high school education (Ganor, 2000). The exact profile of young, unmarried and unemployed, also fits members of the Black Tigers�the suicide battalions of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka (Gunaratna, 2000). Moreover, women who committed the majority of suicide attacks on behalf of the PKK in Turkey also match the same socioeconomic profile. Their ages ranged from 17 to 27, they lacked professional skills and in general came from poor families (Ergil, 2000). Another study conducted among the Shiites in Lebanon reinforces the correlation between low socioeconomic status and a willingness to perpetrate suicide acts (Schbley, 2000, 182-183). Research Hypotheses As noted above, the phenomenon of suicide terrorism can be seen as either a manifestation of the altruistic type or the fatalistic type. However, it can also be described as a combination of the two types. In fact, the connection between these two categories of suicidal behavior has already been noted in the past. According to Young (1972, 106): "These two types should be treated as twin sisters nursed in the same type of socio-cultural system. Their differences can be sought only from the subjective meaning of the suicidal action�If a person commits suicide to fulfill his duty, his psychological state may either be one of serene conviction (altruism) or it may be one of extreme fear and despair (fatalism)". It is our contention that, in the case of suicide terrorism, especially within the realm of the Palestinian society, the suicide act will be perpetrated by an individual who is motivated by a combination of both types. Thus, based on the altruistic approach, we may hypothesize that: (H1) suicide terrorists go through a longer socialization process within the organization than non-suicide terrorists, and are therefore expected to have more experience in committing other acts of terrorism. Based on the concept of `acute altruism', we hypothesize that suicide terrorists will have a stronger religious background than non-suicide terrorists, which includes: (H2) religious education and (H3) religious ideology. As for the fatalistic suicide, this approach generates the following hypotheses: (H4) suicide bombers will be younger (H5), unmarried (H6) and from a lower SES background than non-suicide terrorists. Finally, because suicide itself is assumed to be primarily a masculine type of behavior (Dublin, 1963), we assume that the percentage of women who are suicidal terrorists will be relatively small in contrast to their capacity in the non-suicide group of terrorists (H7). Method Overview of the Sample and the Research Design In order to address these research hypotheses, we devised a database established specifically for this purpose. The database was created in two stages. First, we had to detect all the terrorist events (suicide and non-suicide) which had taken place in Israel over the last decade. This was done by conducting a careful scrutiny of the Israeli daily `Ha'aretz' with the help of a group of specially trained students. The selection of data sources made it necessary to decide whether to rely on local or international sources of information. While the latter have the advantage of being less biased from the editor's or writer's point of view, and there is also a reduced prospect of undergoing censorship, there is still a main weakness: the possible inferiority of international sources in the scope of provided information (Taylor & Jodice, 1983, 181). Thus, according to the reasoning presented by Leheman-Wilzig (1990), we decided to choose the local resource. This choice reflects the advantage of a larger information scope (sometimes proportions between local and international resources reached a ratio of 5:1) while anticipating a certain compromise in quality and objectiveness. Each retrieved terrorist event was encoded according to a detailed codebook which consisted of our research variables. Regarding incidents where it was difficult to obtain information, we made use of other resources, notably internet sites of the terrorist's organization or other daily newspapers. In the second stage, we established a quantitative database which included characteristics relevant to terrorist profiles based on the theoretical framework. The whole process of retrieving and encoding data was cross-checked in order to prevent any possibility of bias or loss of data. This methodology, which has become relevant over the years in the study of social protest as well as political violence (Hibbs, 1973; Lehman-Wilzig, 1990), is termed `events data'. It allows us to obtain longitudinal and reliable information with regard to the studied phenomenon as well as in terms of its characteristics and causes (Peters, 1998: 177). Overview of Analysis The research population consists of 819 terrorists who participated in successful terrorist acts from April 1993 till February 2002; 743 were non-suicide and 80 were suicide terrorists. In order to test our hypothesis, we applied two stages of statistical analysis. Our primary analyses were descriptive, containing comparisons of frequency and means. At the second stage, in order to find significant differences between the two groups (suicide and non-suicide terrorists), we applied ANOVA analysis and chi-square measurements. Measurements The dependent variable in this study, as mentioned earlier, is the nature of the terrorist attack. `Suicide attack' was defined as an act in which the death of the perpetrator constituted an integral part of the operation and necessary for its accomplishment (Ganor, 2000). As for the independent variables, seven variables representing a wide range of socio-demographic traits were selected (Fleming & Stohl, 1988). These were previous experience in terrorism acts, type of education, ideological affiliation, age, marital status, SES background and gender (please refer to Table 1). Results Prior to the analysis of the attributes of suicide bombers, we would first like to present, on the basis of our database, an exhaustive review of suicide terrorism in Israel and its characteristics in order to illustrate the magnitude and main features of this phenomenon over the last decade. Ever since the first suicide act in April 1993, this method of attack has become an integral element in the Palestinian struggle. Figure 1 indicates the evolution of the suicide tactic in comparison to other terrorist modes of operation. Although in the early 1990s, suicide events were far less common in comparison to other types of attacks, with time, they increased. A significant decline in the number of attacks can be detected in 1999 and the first half of 2000. However, following the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada, there was a vigorous resumption of this method. By early 2001, these suicide attacks constituted 13.4 percent of the total number of Palestinian terrorist acts and in the first two months of 2002, they amounted to almost 10 percent. An overview of the targets of Palestinian suicide attacks shows that most events took place in urban centers, mainly shopping centers (38%) and public transportation (30%). Other popular targets were bus or railway stations (23%) and only 9% took place in non-urban areas. As for other features, the most common mode of operation utilized by suicide bombers was detonating explosives carried on their own bodies (77%). Operatives activated larger explosive devices inside cars in only 23% of the occurrences. As one would expect, the number of casualties, both injured and killed, is far higher in suicide attacks (17.59) than in non-suicide acts (2.42). As for the characteristics of the perpetrators, Table 2 presents a comparison between suicide and non-suicide terrorists based on the aforementioned independent variables. In order to assess whether differences between the two groups were significant, we applied a variance analysis test (ANOVA) for the interval variables and chi-square for the nominal ones. The findings presented in Table 2 provide initial support for most of our research hypotheses. As we assumed, and according to the altruistic approach, it appears that the suicide act is rarely the first terrorist operation in which these perpetrators took part. For only 20 percent of terrorists, the suicide bombing was the first terrorist act they had ever been involved in. This contrasts with the figure of 35 percent among non-suicide terrorists. Therefore, even though these findings are not significant, they are initial confirmation of our first hypothesis and tentatively refute Ganor (2000) and similar profiles regarding the length of a suicide terrorist's organization membership. The two hypotheses which assumed, according to the acute altruistic approach, that suicide terrorists would have a more religious background (H3 and H4) were confirmed in this analysis. As presented in Table 2, the percentage of suicide terrorists educated in religious schools (82.8%) is far higher compared to that of non-suicide terrorists (36.1%). Moreover, the percentage of suicide terrorists affiliated with religious fundamentalist organizations (88.4%) is higher than that of non-suicide terrorists (56.9%). Both results were found to be significant by chi-square measures. Therefore, it seems that the altruistic sentiment plays a major role in the terrorists' tendency to perform suicidal acts. After confirming most of our hypotheses regarding the altruistic approach, we now advance to the fatalistic approach in order to try and substantiate our contention that Palestinian suicide terrorists present a combination of both altruistic and fatalistic behaviors. A relatively surprising finding is generated by the variance analysis conducted for the age variable. As noted, we assumed that the tendency of older people (and older terrorists)�who are more established and have generally raised their own family�would be to hold a stronger futuristic orientation, hence their reduced tendency to see the future as blocked or helpless. Despite the fact that significance of the ANOVA analysis is only marginal (P=.083), the descriptive findings indicate that the suicide bomber (M=24.58, S.D.=7.46) is in fact generally older than the non-suicide terrorist (M=22.4, S.D.=5.94). However, in more detail, when dividing the cases into three age groups, we find that while suicide terrorists are underrepresented in the youngest and oldest age groups, they dominate the middle one (ages 22-27) (please refer to Figure 2). Hence the distribution of the non-suicide terrorist is linear and that of the suicide is more close to a normal curve. This finding casts doubt on our hypothesis (H4) and can be possibly explained in two ways. First, because of the popular nature of the Al-Aqsa Intifada, in many cases, the perpetrators are very young people, a fact that lowers the age of the non-suicidal terrorist. Second, we assume that the long socialization process required to prepare terrorists for suicide missions contributes to their relatively older age. The other two hypotheses in reference to the fatalistic approach were confirmed. With regard to the fifth hypothesis (H5), our findings indicate that suicide terrorists in general tend to have less family ties than non-suicide terrorists. This conclusion derives from the fact that the percentage of bachelors among suicide terrorists was 84.2% while among non-suicide terrorists it was 60%. This finding was found to be highly significant by chi-square measures and supported the fatalistic approach, assuming that people without family ties are less predisposed to develop a future orientation. As expected in (H6), we found a significant difference between the two groups with respect to SES background. Findings indicate that suicide bombers usually come from less affluent villages and towns than their non-suicide counterparts. As noted above, the gender of the suicide person is also widely debated in the literature and is claimed to be a predominantly masculine behavior. In regard to suicide and non-suicide terrorists, no significant gender finding was detected in the comparison between the two groups. However, we should point out that women in general are only marginally represented in terrorist activities (2.6%). Moreover, women activities are almost absent in the group of the suicide terrorists (1.3 percent) and only somewhat more visible in the non-suicidal terrorist activities (2.7 percent). To conclude, except for the hypothesis which addressed the age of the terrorist, all of our hypotheses were confirmed by the findings. This supports the assumption that suicide terrorists' behavior is a combination of both altruistic and fatalistic behaviors. Discussion of Findings Our theoretical framework challenges several popular analytical methods and theoretical assumptions regarding suicide terrorists. In contrast to prevailing psychological and sociological-cultural approaches attempting to explain suicide terrorist motivation, which, on one hand, endeavor to produce a psychological profile of the terrorist or, on the other, attempt to define a direct relation between sociological characteristics and the motivation for suicide, we suggest that we are dealing with a somewhat different cast of characters. Instead of focusing on the psychological and political-cultural characteristics of the suicide terrorists, we tried to understand this phenomenon by employing a theoretical perspective based on the sociological motivation of the terrorists and derived from Durkheim's typology regarding suicidal behavior. From this point of departure, we focused on two main categories which exhibited great potential in explaining suicidal behavior in the context of suicidal terrorists�altruistic and fatalistic suicide. Findings show that Palestinian suicide terrorism is a combination of altruistic and fatalistic suicidal behavior. From the altruistic point of view, our results confirm some popular assumptions about the biographies of suicide bombers in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian struggle. Commentaries in the United States and elsewhere have tended to depict the bombers as unsophisticated young people who are either artfully recruited or who offer themselves in consequence to a surge in religious commitment brought on by prayer and the inspirational sermons of charismatic Imams. It appears to us that the atmosphere in the Gaza Strip and on the West Bank is such that the would-be martyr's decision to embark on his journey of destruction is in fact reinforced by the approval of community. In a society where `honor' is among the highest virtues, there are indeed powerful social pressures lying behind the suicide bomber's decision. Furthermore, once selected for an `operation', the young man is surrounded by a team of Hamas or Islamic Jihad handlers who not only provide tactical instructions, etc., but also insulate him from any potential cross-pressures which might weaken his resolve. Hence, the suicide act appears to us a glaring example of altruistic behavior. In addition to the altruistic characteristic of Palestinian suicide terrorists, we found fatalistic components as well. In comparison to their non-suicide counterparts, suicide terrorists tend to possess sociological characteristics associating them with fatalistic behavior. Our results show that suicide terrorists are apt to come from a lower SES and have less family connections. Therefore, we assume that their future orientation is geared more towards helplessness and vagueness. If suicide terrorists are indeed motivated by a combination of fatalistic and altruistic behavior, where does it leave us in terms of our general understanding of the sociological portrait of suicide bombers? First, it helps us understand that the tendency of some terrorists to offer themselves for suicide behavior is not just a result of operational advantages or the organizational credentials of the terrorist, but that there is additionally a strong component in the individual's perception of the relationship between him and society. This component is a major ingredient in his willingness to sacrifice his life. Moreover, our research indicates that this perspective is largely constructed of two dimensions. One is the collective dimension�the individual feels his suicide will help serve in attaining the goals of the society or group to which he belongs. The second is a more individualistic dimension and sees the suicidal act as an escape route from a situation of no hope. In both cases, as proposed by Durkheim, these feelings are a result of social regulations and integration, hence, social structure, together with the individual's subjective point of view, both play a major role in the realm of suicidal terrorism. In conclusion, it seems that the combination of a society with excessive regulation and where the socio-economic development of people is impeded and aspirations are stifled by an oppressive discipline, together with a strong social affinity to the group's values and goals, creates a favorable platform for suicidal acts. Maybe the best example is the two years of the Al-Aqsa Intifada where, on one hand, Israeli military forces imposed strict regulations on Palestinian society in the occupied territories and, on the other, the power of fundamentalist terrorist organizations has been on the rise. Furthermore, the increase in these trends witnessed a growth in suicide terrorism events. Finally, we should note that the theoretical framework introduced above is closely related to socio-psychological approaches which deal in collective political violence, particularly, relative deprivation theories. In both cases, variables referring to the relation between state and society (or individuals), and their impact on the individual subjective point of view, help determine the predisposition of the individual or group to act violently. In addition, both theories underscore the absence of alternatives to routes of violence. Hence, the next step would be to understand more fully the relations between theories dealing with individual political acts of violence and group violence. Bibliography Andriolo, Karin. 2002. "Murder by Suicide: Episodes from Muslim History" American Anthropologist, 104(3), 736-742. Dublin, Leonard. 1963. Suicide: a Sociological and Statistical Study. New York: Ronald Free Press. Durkheim, Emile. 1951. Suicide. Glenco: Free Press. 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"Durkheim Revisited: Why Do Women Kill Themselves?" Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 9: 145-153. Joshi, M. 1996. "On the Razor's Edge: The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam" Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. 19: 19-42. Kushner, Harvey. W. 1996. "Suicide Bombers: Business as Usual" Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 19: 329-337. Lehman-Wilzig, Sam N. 1990. Stiff-necked people, bottle-necked system: the evolution and roots of Israeli public protest, 1949-1986. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Merari, Ariel. 1990. "The Readiness to Kill and Die". in Origins of Terrorism, Edited By William Reich, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moghadam, Adiniu. 2002."Fletcher Hosts Ariel Merari, Israeli Expert on Suicide Terrorism". Fletcher Ledger 3(8). Peters, Guy, B. 1998. Comparative Politics: Theory and Methods. New-York: New York University Press. Rex, Brynen. 1995. "The Dynamic of Palestinian elite formation" Journal of Palestinian Studies, 24(3): 31-43. Riemer, W. Jeffrey. 1998. "Durkheim's "Heroic Suicide" in Military Combat" Armed Forces and Society, 25(1): 103-120. Rubin, Elizabeth. 2002. "The Most Wanted Palestinian" The New York Times Magazine (June 30, 2002) pp. 26-31,42, 51-55. Schbley, Ayla. H. 2000. "Torn Between God, Family, and Money: The Changing Profile of Lebanon's Religious Terrorists" Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 23: 175-196. Schweitzer, Yoram. 2001. Suicide Bombings - The Ultimate Weapon? .http://www.ict.org.il/articles/articledet.cfm?articleid=373. Shaul Shay and Yoram Schweitzer. 2002. The Al-Aqsa Intifada: Palestinian-Israeli Confrontation, http://www.ict.org.il/articles/articledet.cfm?articleid=373. Sirriyeh, Hussein. 2000. "Democratization and the Palestinian National Authority: From state in the making to statehood" Israel Affairs, 7(1): 49-62. Sprinzak, Ehud. (2000). "Rational Fanatics" Foreign Policy, 120: 66-73 . Stack, Steven. 1979. "Durkhiem's Theory of Fatalistic Suicide: A Cross-National Approach" The Journal of Social Psychology, 107: 161-168. Taylor, Charles. & Jodice, David. 1983. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. New Haven: Yale University Press. Taylor, Steven. 1982. Durkheim and the Study of Suicide. London: Hutchinson. Young, Lung-Chang. 1972. "Altruistic Suicide: A Subjective Approach" Sociological Bulletin, 21(2): 103-121. ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> DonorsChoose. A simple way to provide underprivileged children resources often lacking in public schools. Fund a student project in NYC/NC today! http://us.click.yahoo.com/EHLuJD/.WnJAA/cUmLAA/TySplB/TM --------------------------------------------------------------------~-> -------------------------- Want to discuss this topic? 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