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Mark Steyn: The axis of evenhandedness
Western Standard (Canada)
Mark Steyn

There's a hoary old joke from a few years back in which the
Secretary-General proposes that, in the interests of global peace and
harmony, the world's soccer players should come together and form one United
Nations global soccer team. 

"Great idea," says his deputy. "Er, but who would we play?" 

"Israel, of course." 

And so, on a tour of residential areas of Beirut, UN humanitarian honcho Jan
Egeland accused Israel of "excessive use of force" and "a violation of
humanitarian law," whatever that is. His colleague, the UN High Commissioner
for Human Rights, Canada's Louise Arbour, went further and accused Israel of
being guilty of "war crimes" under the Geneva Conventions. 

Really? Hezbollah is an organization of unlawful combatants that as a matter
of policy uses civilians as shields: under Geneva, that's a war crime. But
Mme. Arbour and Mr. Egeland couldn't care less. So the value of their
observations lies less in their interpretation of "international law" than
as a reminder of the peculiar psychology of the post-nationalist, indeed
postmodernist, "civilized world." It's not just that the terrorism and the
resistance to terrorism are seen as morally equivalent: perish the thought.
In the eyes of the UN, the resistance to terrorism is the real crime. 

Israel's challenge in the years ahead is most accurately summarized by the
IRA. After they tried and failed to kill Mrs. Thatcher in the Brighton
bombing, they warned her: "You have to be lucky every day. We only have to
be lucky once." That's the situation the Zionist Entity is in. Until these
last few weeks, they had no idea Hezbollah could launch rockets into
Haifa--rockets specially augmented with ball bearings, which have no value
in military terms but maximize civilian casualties (that's also a war crime,
if Mme. Arbour and Mr. Egeland are interested). Those ball bearings tell us
that Hezbollah is in the business of killing as many Israelis as they can.
So what will they have a year or two down the line? In an age of nuclear
terrorism--where "non-state actors" can project force around the world more
easily than Canada--the odds of Hezbollah getting lucky on a scale the IRA
could never have dreamed of improve with every passing year. 

That's the "disproportionality" the UN and the Europoseurs never address.
What does Israel want from its enemies? A few acres here and there maybe,
and some bad guys in jail. What do its enemies want from Israel? The
liquidation of the state and the removal one way or another of every Jew. As
President Ahmadinejad told his people the other day, "We shall soon witness
the elimination of the Zionist stain of shame." 

Oh, well, I'm sure that's just that time-honoured Persian rhetorical
tradition we hear so much about. In the Toronto Star the other day, Linda
McQuaig wrote that Stephen Harper is "abandoning our traditional attempt at
even-handedness in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." But it would be truer
to say that it's Linda's columnar colleagues who've abandoned any
"even-handedness." As Richard Cohen wrote in The Washington Post, "Israel
itself is a mistake. It is an honest mistake, a well-intentioned mistake, a
mistake for which no one is culpable, but the idea of creating a nation of
European Jews in an area of Arab Muslims (and some Christians) has produced
a century of warfare and terrorism of the sort we are seeing now. Israel
fights Hezbollah in the north and Hamas in the south, but its most
formidable enemy is history itself." Matthew Parris in The Times of London
stopped a few yards short of that: "The past 40 years have been a
catastrophe, gradual and incremental, for world Jewry. Seldom in history
have the name and reputation of a human grouping lost so vast a store of
support and sympathy so fast. My opinion--held not passionately but with
little personal doubt--is that there is no point in arguing about whether
the state of Israel should have been established where and when it
was"--which lets you know how he would argue it if minded to. In essence,
then, Messrs. Cohen and Parris, two famously moderate voices in the leading
newspapers of two of the least anti-Israeli capital cities in the West, have
nevertheless accepted the principle underpinning Ahmadinejad's view of the
situation: Israel should not be where it is. Whether it's a "stain of shame"
or just a "mistake" is the merest detail. 

If this is "evenhandedness," who needs it? Israel is not yet in the suicide
business. Faced with an existential threat, it has determined to resist it.
Yet even then it feels obliged to fight in the postmodern western manner,
with one hand tied behind its back. It accepts, implicitly, that it's not
allowed to crush and exterminate Hezbollah, only to degrade its capability
to one degree or another. And then Hezbollah will catch its breath, and wait
to be resupplied by Iran via Syria. This isn't even Westphalian. Linda
McQuaig, the EU, the UN and many others demand, in effect, that Hezbollah, a
terrorist "non-state actor," be recognized as a formal, permanent part of
the landscape. 

"The Jews are a peculiar people," wrote America's great longshoreman
philosopher Eric Hoffer after the 1967 war. "Things permitted to other
nations are forbidden to the Jews. Other nations drive out thousands, even
millions of people and there is no refugee problem . . . But everyone
insists that Israel must take back every single Arab . . . Other nations
when victorious on the battlefield dictate peace terms. But when Israel is
victorious it must sue for peace. Everyone expects the Jews to be the only
real Christians in this world." 

That's an interesting question, isn't it? Is it that we hold Israel to a
higher standard? Or is rather that in the postmodern era Israel--unlike
Canada, Britain, France, New Zealand--is the only western nation that's
found itself fighting an existential struggle? Let's take it as read that a
lot of folks don't like Jews. The present conflict then is chiefly of
significance as a study in whether the least enervated of western nations is
capable of seeing off the terrorist proxies of nuclear Islamists. Because,
if Israel can't hold off a resurgent Islam, what chance Norway or Belgium? 

For over a generation now, Canada and many other countries have regarded
civilizational self-loathing as just another alternative lifestyle, like
being gay or vegetarian. It's a kind of literal "homophobia"--a fear
(phobia) of the same (homo-), the same old white-bread people that produced
the world in which you live, the legal system, the property rights, the
economic prosperity. Yawn. Who needs them? Along with Linda McQuaig's
musings, the Toronto Star recently produced an editorial supporting Stephen
Lewis' campaign for a UN agency for women's rights. I don't happen to see
the point of creating yet another transnational racket: just as the "Human
Rights Council" is manned by all the worst human rights abusers, no doubt a
women's rights council would wind up being staffed by Sudan's leading
clictorectomy enforcers and Pakistani honour-killing advocates. But I regard
the broader cause of women's rights as one of our best long-term strategies
against Islamism, and I'm always interested in rare glimpses of pampered
western feminists rousing themselves from their self-absorption to take an
interest in their sisters overseas. So what did the Star's gal have to say
about the status of women abroad? Well, it seems they're in big trouble
because of "colonialist manipulation." 

Yes, indeed. It would never have occurred to those Jordanian wives-beaters
to ill-treat their womenfolk had it not been for 24 years of nominal British
rule. But wait, that's not all: in Afghanistan, "women's hardships" were
"used to arouse emotions that justify misleading international involvement."

Under the Taliban, women were forbidden to feel sunlight on their faces. By
law. Bush and Blair ended that. If you feel that intervention was
"misleading," fine. But under your scenario those women would still be
prisoners in their own homes. So, unlike Bush's support for Afghan women,
your support for Afghan women makes no difference. 

It's an open question whether those who think like the Star editorialists
are in a majority. Certainly, they hold a majority of cultural levers--at
the CBC, in schools and universities, on the roll of Governor-General's
Award winners, in the UCC and other churches. But that kind of cultural
relativism is unsustainable in the face of primal forces like Islamism. The
advantage of being Israeli is that one understands every day the
precariousness of liberty. In Belgium and Sweden and, alas, much of Canada,
we don't.





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