http://www.independent.com.mt/news.asp?newsitemid=42535
<http://www.independent.com.mt/news.asp?newsitemid=42535>

The spy didn't come in from   the cold

by     Daphne Caruana Galizia






Vladimir Putin's people have said it is "silly" to suggest
that the     Russian president had anything to do with the murder by
poisoning of     Alexander Litvinenko. Silly? The fact that Putin and
his agents are     suspected of having had a hand in this murder is
worry enough. If people     think you did something, then they must
think that you are capable of doing     it.

Now Putin is the guest at a big meeting of EU leaders, and an
embarrassing     situation has been created. They can't very well
dis-invite him, because     the suspicions may be just that –
suspicions – and through his mouthpieces     he has denied all
involvement. But at the same time, those suspicions are     there, and
mutterings were made to the media about how Putin, when he meets    
with Europe's leaders, will face "embarrassing questions"
about Litvinenko's     death. But does he care? I think the
Europeans may be making a little     mistake in thinking that he might
give a damn. The man is from Russia, for     heaven's sake, not from
Stockholm. He'll walk into that meeting without a qualm and without
the     slightest shred of shame. Meanwhile, the rest of them will fuss
and fidget,     tug at their ties, and adopt a "look here, are you
sure you had nothing to     do with this nasty business" stance,
like members of some stiff club faced     with the perplexing problem of
what to do with a guest who has just spat at     the waiter for serving
him a cold meal.

Here we have a worldwide discussion about whether the President of one
of     the world's richest and most powerful nations has ordered the
murder of one     of his many enemies, and Putin carries on unblinking.
This shows us, more     clearly than anything else that has happened
since the fall of the Berlin     Wall, that Russia is different, a
mysterious place in which the norms of law and     democracy count for
little, a Wild East to match the Wild West early days     of pioneer
America. The former Soviet satellite States have come on stream with the
rest of democratic Europe, and are firmly entrenched in this normality
as member States of     the European Union. Yet Russia, which     is not
European to start with but straddles two continents and incorporates    
a hundred different cultures, is a world unto itself. It is a curiously
closed world in which the President is suspected of being Lucrezia
Borgia's     spiritual heir, and this is taken as an
incontrovertible fact of life by     those over whom he rules: the
President might be murdering people, but they     have no way of proving
it, and no way of doing anything about it anyway,     and besides, he
denies it all.

The story is like something written by John Le Carre. A former Russian
spy     who obtained British citizenship only last month, after taking
refuge in     London from the virulence of the President and government
he fiercely     opposed and criticised, dies a slow and agonised death
from a mysterious     poison. The best of Britain's doctors and
poison specialists cannot work out what the lethal     substance is, but
have ruled out the heavy metal thallium and radiation.     One of them
says that the poison may never be identified. Meanwhile,     friends of
the dead man, who is pictured in the world's media lying wan and    
hairless in the hospital's intensive care unit, accuse "evil
forces" in Russia of     killing him as an act of revenge. The evil
forces react by saying that it     is silly to suggest that the Kremlin
– for so many decades a byword for     unutterable evil – has
orchestrated any such plot.

This is the second time in just a few weeks that the Russian President
and     the Kremlin are facing such accusations. When Anna Politskaya
was shot last     month, it was widely mooted that Putin's were the
hands that pulled the     strings that pulled the hands that pulled the
trigger. Politskaya was one     of the best-known journalists in Russia
and     one of the best-known Russian journalists in the world. Her
chosen topic     was what she called Russia's "dirty war" in
Chechnya. The     world's media had long since abandoned that story:
Chechnya is too     dangerous for foreign correspondents, the
machinations are too complicated     for readers and viewers to
understand, and Chechnya itself     is too obscure. Politskaya
repeatedly challenged the Russian authorities     about the suffering
and inhumanity in Chechnya,     receiving several international awards
for her efforts, but only threats,     arrests and an attempt at
poisoning her in her own country. Russia, in     its fondness for poison
as an efficacious means for dispatching enemies, is     akin to
renaissance Italy in turning this into a black art. Let's not forget
the rapid dispatch     to the afterlife of the Bulgarian dissident
Georgi Markov, who was pricked     by the tip of a poison dart embedded
in the point of an umbrella, while     crossing Waterloo Bridge in 1978.
That was straight out of John Le Carre, too.

Politskaya was not the first Russian journalist to be murdered in    
politically tainted circumstances since Vladimir Putin came to power six
years ago. All of these crimes have, of course, remained unsolved. Who
in     the police force would dare investigate them or, having started
the investigations,     pursue them further and risk his own life?
Risking your job and your income     is one thing; risking your life
quite another. Some of these murders have     been linked to the
interests of the Russian mafia and the oligarchs who     made their
money by seizing State assets when communism fell, in true Wild     East
fashion.

The difference with Politskaya's murder is that there was no attempt
at     hiding why or how it was done, or to disguise it as a mugging.
She was shot     in the lift of the apartment block where she lived, in
broad daylight, and     the gun used to kill her was left alongside her
body where it fell. This is     standard Russian hit-man practice, but
here's the rub. She never spoke or     wrote about the mafia, the
oligarchs or provincial crooked businessmen.     Almost the sole target
of her criticism was Vladimir Putin and his people.

It wasn't just Politskaya who died that day. The murder was not
carried out     to silence only her, but also anyone else who might even
think of doing the     same thing, and being highly vocal in opposition
to Putin and friends. Even     if he had nothing to do with the murder,
the fact that plenty of people     think he does is enough to win
perfect silence. As The Washington Post     columnist Anne Applebaum
wrote after the murder: "As Russian (and Eastern     European)
history well demonstrates, it isn't always necessary to kill    
millions of people to frighten all the others. A few choice
assassinations,     in the right time and place, usually suffice. Since
the arrest of oil     magnate Mikhail Khordorkovsky in 2003, no other
Russian oligarchs have     attempted even to sound politically
independent. After the assassination of     Politskaya, it's hard to
imagine many Russian journalists following in her     footsteps to
Grozny, either."

Mikhail Khordorkovsky – now there was another bad case, and
Putin's name     was being dragged around in the mud on that one,
too. If you want to get     rid of a political opponent, whip up some
charges against him, rush the     trial through, and sentence him to
long years of hard labour in a Siberian     work camp (yes, they still
exist, decades after the death of Solzhenitsen).

There's already a website up and running that displays photographs
and     details of "enemies of the people" – Russian
journalists and human rights     activists. Above each photograph, the
year of birth is listed, and beneath     it, a blank space waiting for
the year of death.



* * *

While Iraq and Iran loom large in European and North American    
consciousness, Russia fades into the background – a huge unknown
mass,     impossible to fathom and not even worth thinking about.
There's also the     strange assumption that, since the end of the
Cold War and the integration     of former Iron Curtain peoples into
mainstream democracy, Russia is now     "one of us". But Russia
is no such thing. It is not Hungary or the     Czech Republic. It is not
even Bulgaria or Romania. It is     still very much "them". It
is a place where ethnic minorities are     persecuted, people are
tortured, the press is silenced not by repressive     laws but by the
far more effective means of shooting journalists, the     President is
suspected of committing heinous crimes against democracy and     human
life, and meanwhile, Europe grows ever more dependent on Russian oil    
and gas.

The Cold War may have ended, but Russia     remains a place straight out
of a 1970s novel of espionage, murderous     skulduggery and the evil
conflation of corrupt political interests with     those of
snatch-and-grab oligarchs, whose greed is rivalled only by their    
absolute amorality. A cliché or a caricature this might be, but no
news     that comes out of Russia these days does anything to dispatch
that view to oblivion.

Iran and Iraq are frightening to Europeans because of their extreme
religious     interpretation of morality, which is in direct conflict
with the humanist     morality of European culture. Russia, on     the
other hand, is disturbing because it seems to have no morality at all.
We find ourselves confronted with an amoral State – rather than an
immoral     one like China – and we don't know what to do about
it. During the Cold War, we     blamed communism for that amorality. Now
we cannot blame communism any longer.







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