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What Is Annanism?
The triumph of the therapeutic over the tragic.

By Victor Davis Hanson

Everyone seems to take some joy in listening to outgoing secretary-general
of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, especially during the holidays. But just
as with other such ethicists as a lip-biting Bill Clinton or creased-browed
Jimmy Carter, Annan is as publicly acclaimed as he is privately ignored. We
like such itinerant moralists - more when they are off the job than on, and
always in retrospect rather than contemporaneously. As we watch them hedge,
we somehow feel apologetic rather than outraged over their latest deception.

The secretary-general - introduced with fulsome praise by Sen. Chuck Hagel -
recently gave a remarkable farewell speech at the Truman Library. It was
delivered in his customary soothing inflection with impeccable diction, and
it was just as customarily predictable - the content was as historically
inaccurate as it was exemplary of what we have now come to know as
"Annanism." 

In Never-Never Land

The first component of Annanism is the use of distortion. How surreal to
hear the secretary-general in his encomium mention that Harry Truman had
ordered the first and only military use of "the bomb." 

Such a unilateral decision to use overwhelming violence to prevent far
greater and inevitable violence was an example of just the sort of tragic,
tough decision-making that must take place outside the never-never land of
the United Nations. 

Both North Korea and Iran have ignored U.N. warnings about nuclear
proliferation as they press on to acquire bombs with which to threaten
nearby democracies. Hundreds of thousands may have heard Kofi Annan's
polished homilies as they perished en masse in Darfur - all this coming on
the heels of the slaughters in Rwanda and the Balkans, and mass starvation
in North Korea. What has the U.N. done about all of this? It has availed
itself of its luxury of doing nothing.

Annan then went on to praise Truman for relying on "collective security" by
turning to the United Nation in the Korean crisis - in obvious contrast,
apparently, to George Bush's intervention in Iraq. But Annan conveniently
left out the salient fact that Truman could count on U.N. cover only because
Russia - in protest over treatment of Red China - had for a time removed
itself from the Security Council, ensuring veto-free resolutions for action.

In his veiled reference to Iraq, there was no mention of the vested
interests of both France and the Russia in keeping lucrative oil concessions
and commerce with the Hussein regime. Nor did Annan acknowledge that the
U.S. contingent in 2003 comprised a smaller percentage of the allied
coalition than was true of the U.N. force in 1950, or that more nations
showed up to fight Saddam Hussein than had against Kim il-Sung. 

Annan failed to note that Bill Clinton saved the Bosnians and Kosovars only
by not going to the U.N., where a sure Russian veto would have embarrassed
the American effort to stop that genocide at Europe's doorstep. Thousands
are alive today because of that decision. Yet one cannot expect a United
Nations megaphone to dwell on U.N. amorality; it is a condemnation he
reserves for assailing the United States.

The Look of Responsibility 

Next the secretary-general derided interventions (like Iraq) and contrasted
them with "our shared responsibility to protect populations from genocide,
war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity - a responsibility
solemnly accepted by all nations at last year's UN summit." This was a cruel
jest worthy of Tolkien's wizard Saruman. 

When has the U.N. ever "accepted" anything approaching a "shared
responsibility"? Both Saddam and the Taliban murdered with impunity. Iran
has not only violated U.N. non-proliferation accords, but serially promised
to wipe out Israel, and thus get credit for a first Holocaust it now denies
to Hitler. 

It is precisely because "all nations" in fact do not care when millions are
butchered that the U.N. has become increasingly irrelevant and the United
States has acted. It is not America that places those with blood on their
hands on human rights commissions. U.S. soldiers, unlike U.N. peacekeepers,
are punished if they commit mayhem and rape. A wise move would be for Mr.
Annan to insist that U.N. troops are truly subject to rules of behavior
fashioned on U.S. codes of military conduct.

The secretary-general next sermonized on American responsibility to provide
global leadership in matters of trade and commerce. But he ignored entirely
the role of the U.S. Navy that nearly alone keeps the peace on the world's
oceans, stops piracy, and tries to adjudicate disputes in far-strung seas
like the Aegean, the Persian Gulf, and the waters off Japan. 

By any fair measure the current international renegade in matters of
trademark infringement, copyright violation, or cutthroat acquisition of
resources is an undemocratic China. Yet we know that Annan would not go to
Beijing to lecture to that unpredictable Communist dictatorship about its
felonies when he can better harangue his patient American hosts about their
supposed misdemeanors. 

If Annan is really concerned about greater equity with the former third
world, a good place to begin would be the European Union's agricultural
subsidies that harm the ability of impoverished nations to earn foreign
income, or the amoral European policy of selling things like reinforced
bunkers to Saddam's Iraq or precision machine tools to Iran.

Annan's third writ against the U.S. was our supposed betrayal of the rule
of law: 

===>

That is why this country has historically been in the vanguard of the global
human rights movement. But that lead can only be maintained if America
remains true to its principles, including in the struggle against terrorism.
When it appears to abandon its own ideals and objectives, its friends abroad
are naturally troubled and confused.

<===

Here, too, there is deception. Unlike a China, Russia, or even the EU
membership - countries that all wiretap and detain much more freely - George
Bush (unlike the secretary-general) is subject to the oversight of an
elected Congress and an independent judiciary. 

Nothing in the Patriot Act is antithetical to our "ideals and objectives" or
even approaches the zeal of the wartime Lincoln, Wilson, Roosevelt, or
Kennedy administrations. That the Patriot Act came in consequence to the
mass murder of 9/11 and 25 years of serial terrorism from the Middle East
makes no impression on Annan, who apparently worries often about
infringements on free speech. Here is a moralist who says nothing of the
spread of Islamism among millions of Muslims, a fascism that is global in
its ability to stifle all sorts of expression and now apparently can reach
Europe in its intimidation of cartoonists, opera producers, novelists,
film-makers, and high school teachers.

Note that nowhere in Annan's lamentations was there any remorse about the
$50 billion Oil-for-Food scandal, much less his own son's murky
Billy-Carter-like role in it. Nor do we hear of the Annan family's petty
moral slipperiness - whether exporting luxury cars under the auspices of
U.N. tax immunity or farming out government-subsidized apartments to
relatives. Annan talks global and acts local.

The Man Who Plays to Form

So what is Annanism? 

First, it is the reification of Western subliminal guilt. American and
European elites feel bad about their wealth, bad about their leisure, bad
about their history - but usually not bad enough to do anything that might
jeopardize their present privileged positions. And so into this
psychological disconnect steps an articulate handsome totem from abroad, in
requisite stylish dress and aristocratic mellifluousness, to lecture
Westerners with moral pieties - as they smile and snore. 

In contrast, who wants a ruddy, uncouth, Walrus-mustached John Bolton
railing about the sort of U.N. inaction that allows millions to perish and
thugs to operate freely? 

Such embarrassments might actually cause the U.N. to do something that would
require sacrifices in lives and treasure for the greater good. How much
better to be charmed into somnolence than awakened by horrific reality. How
much better for the soul to be gently chided with moral platitudes about
Western insensitivity than electro-shocked about Middle Eastern, African, or
Asian genocide that will go on until someone does something very messy to
stop it.

Second, Annanism represents the triumph of moral obtuseness: talk about
threats to the rule of law or the need for transparency and honesty in
global communications and commerce, while ignoring scandal and fraud on a
monumental scale that not only enriches cronies and relatives, but
contributes to the deaths of innocents in Iraq.

Third, Annanism reflects petty hypocrisy. There is a reason why Annan, like
the thousands of hangers-on in the U.N., enjoys New York; there is a reason
why he and his equally critical spouse prefer Western culture in places like
Manhattan. He knows that the unique social, economic, and cultural life of
the United States can subsidize lavish salaries at the U.N., and that with
life in an affluent and safe West comes pricey luxury cars and tony
apartments. 

Annan also knows that one way to keep enjoying them is to keep reminding his
hosts of their sins, in the fashion of the medieval court jester sans the
loud stripes, cap, and bells. So there is something very creepy about the
moral poseur remonstrating from Manhattan about the lapses of the United
States in general, and in particular the neglect of the world's poor. Both
can be addressed more effectively and more honestly from a Rwanda, Kosovo,
Kabul, or Ghana.

With Annanism we are witnessing the triumph of the therapeutic over the
tragic. We live in a time when morality is defined by wrinkled brows, not
action, and a moral sense is found in barking at a benevolent host while
purring to dangerous carnivores. 

In a society that values style over substance, rhetoric over action, and
sanitized platitudes over grisly details, if Kofi Annan were not
secretary-general of the United Nations we would have had to invent
something very much like him. 





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