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Russians grow wary of U.S. nuclear strategy

Twenty-five years ago, an official with the Ronald Reagan administration
asked my opinion on whether America was facing a clear and present danger
from Russia. I said no.

Despite the heated rhetoric on both sides, the Russians never intended to
initiate an attack on the West, their strategic objective being to split
Europe from the U.S. On the other hand, their fear of being attacked was
countered, even in the face of Reagan's hostility, by their faith in
America's common sense. Why should the richest nation on earth invite
horrific devastation upon itself without a logically compelling reason?

Today, I am no longer that optimistic. Washington's unwarranted presumption
of global nuclear superiority -- the mainstay of this administration's
National Security Strategy from the beginning -- has taken an alarming
twist. And the Russians, still capable of destroying America with a nuclear
strike, are seriously worried.

Too little attention has been given to a plan the George W. Bush
administration is considering. It calls for certain strategic delivery
systems, previously solely designated for nuclear war, to be put to use with
conventional warheads. About $50 million has been allocated to three studies
of placing conventional weapons on submarine-launched ballistic missiles.

Who cares that there is no technology to tell which kind of warhead has been
launched? Russia will have to trust Washington that it is not the target of
a first-strike nuclear attack.

This idea comes in the wake of an article earlier this year in Foreign
Affairs, titled The Rise of U.S. Nuclear Supremacy, that contains these
statements:

"The current and future U.S. nuclear force seems designed to carry out a
pre-emptive disarming strike against Russia or China.''

"It will probably soon be possible for the United States to destroy the
long-range nuclear arsenals of Russia or China with a first strike.''

"If U.S. submarines were to fire missiles from areas in the Pacific, Russian
leaders probably would not know of the attack until the warheads
detonated.''

If Russian leaders have read these statements and taken them as an
expression of administration policy, they may have reached some very
unpleasant conclusions.

Washington's intention to legitimize the use of first-strike strategic
delivery systems, expecting no retaliatory move by Russia, provoked Col.
Viktor Litovkin to write for the Russian news agency Novosti (and reflecting
Moscow's official view): "Any nuclear power will be sorely tempted to launch
a retaliatory strike after detecting incoming strategic ballistic missiles.
A retaliatory nuclear strike seems to be the only way to stop an all-out
ballistic-missile attack involving nuclear and conventional warheads.''

Disingenuously, then-Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, meeting in August
with his Russian counterpart, Sergei Ivanov, suggested that Russia could do
the same thing.

"Russia has some misgivings about such preliminary plans,'' Ivanov replied.
"I am not ready to say that Russia agrees to join this initiative.''

This gobbledygook in no way implies indecision on Russia's part. Rather, it
reflects the traditional Soviet-style presumption that any unambiguous
rejection of U.S. terms by Russia may be misconstrued as a sign of fear and
weakness. Rumsfeld, however, interpreted these words in line with
Washington's wishful thinking, telling a news conference that the Russian
defence minister would probably phone him from Moscow and call the U.S.
proposal a good idea.

No such luck. Should Washington unilaterally proceed with this insane plan,
and eventually an intercontinental ballistic missile launch is made --
whether intended against Iran or anybody else -- a Russian retaliatory
nuclear strike against the United States could follow, triggering the
unthinkable.

The United States is facing a clear and present danger, compared to which
the worst nightmares of the "war on terror'' will pale. It's time to start
paying attention.

Alexander Artem Sakharov is a former fellow of the Institute of U.S.A. and
Canada Studies in Moscow.



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