Battle at Pakistani Mosque Ends 
By
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/somini_sengupt
a/index.html?inline=nyt-per> SOMINI SENGUPTA and SALMAN MASOOD
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/11/world/asia/11cnd-pakistan.html?_r=1
<http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/11/world/asia/11cnd-pakistan.html?_r=1&oref=
slogin&ref=world&pagewanted=print> &oref=slogin&ref=world&pagewanted=print

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan, July 11 - The battle for the Red Mosque, the fiery
epicenter of Pakistan's religious right, ended today, the second day of a
battle between Pakistani forces and die-hards who had been holed up in the
sprawling compound. 

The Pakistan military said they have cleared the mosque.

But there was no clarity about what exactly had transpired over the last two
days, not even how many of those who had been inside were fighters versus
hostages. Government officials had said in the past that there were up to 60
hard-core militants inside, who had surrounded themselves with civilian
shields, women and children among them. 

All told, 86 men and women and 30 children "came out" of the compound, the
military spokesman, Gen. Waheed Arshad, told reporters at a press briefing
in the afternoon, but the nature of their involvement in the fighting
remained a mystery. "They're being screened," is all he would say. 

The clashes left 10 security forces dead and 33 injured. At least 50 of
those inside had been killed, including the leader of the organization,
Abdur Rashid Ghazi, the spokesman said, adding that a final death toll could
only be established when the site had been fully mopped up. 

It is still a mystery how the Pakistani President, Gen.
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/pervez_musharr
af/index.html?inline=nyt-per> Pervez Musharraf, would handle the potentially
grave repercussions of the Red Mosque standoff and the religious radicals
that have taken root in his country. The standoff comes at a time when
pro-democracy protests have dogged his administration before elections
expected this year and Islamic extremists, including
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/al_qaed
a/index.html?inline=nyt-org> Al Qaeda and the
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/t/taliban
/index.html?inline=nyt-org> Taliban, have widened their influence in the
country. 

Despite the clamor for democracy and the general's mixed performance in
fighting the extremists, the Bush administration has steadfastly backed the
general. The State Department spokesman, Sean McCormack, credited the
government Tuesday for "exercising a great deal of patience." 

General Musharraf's domestic supporters, too, described the operation as an
example of restraint amid great provocation, with the state minister for
information, Tariq Azeem, calling it a demonstration of the government's
"resolve to root out terrorism and extremism." 

But already there were signs of fresh anger and discontent from Islamist
elements over the assault, and the potential for a blowback. Liaqut Baloch,
a parliamentarian with the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami party called it a case
of "mishandling" by the government. "This issue could have been handled by
negotiations and dialogue," he said in an interview Tuesday. "It was an
engineered plan to appease the Americans and Western countries." 

Abdul Malik, an influential cleric, told reporters Tuesday afternoon that
the assault was a ploy to cleanse the capital of "turbaned students." 

In the Northwest Frontier Province, meanwhile, roadside explosions injured
11 security personnel and six civilians Tuesday, while rioters set ablaze
offices of two international relief organizations in remote northern
Battagram district, officials said.

The Red Mosque had enjoyed decades of government backing, but lately become
a source of great embarrassment for the Musharraf regime. The religious
affairs minister, Ijaz Ul-Huq, told the privately owned Geo television
Tuesday night that it had become a sanctuary for militants from other parts
of the country.

"I with much regret have to say that this was a hub for all types of
terrorists," he said. "Anyone involved in any unlawful activity anywhere
used to get protection here."

He did not explain why the government, armed with this knowledge, had not
taken action until a week ago. 

A network of buildings that took up two city blocks, the Red Mosque is
comprised of the mosque, the seminary, a public library occupied by the
seminary students, and the homes of Mr. Ghazi and his elder brother,
Mohammed Abdul Aziz, who ran the organization. Mr. Ghazi was killed Tuesday
while hiding in a basement with some of his fighters; Mr. Aziz was arrested
last week while trying to flee the compound in a burqa. 

The two men had used their charges for months to goad authorities into
imposing Islamic law, or sharia, in the capital and throughout Pakistan.
Trouble began to simmer in January when the women students occupied the
library. Mr. Aziz threatened suicide attacks if the government tried to raid
the mosque. 

Having set up a sharia court in the compound, the mosque issued a fatwa
against a government minister, after she was shown in newspaper photographs
embracing a parachuting instructor in France. Students ranged around the
capital as vigilante vice squads, warning vendors against selling music and
movies, in a crude impersonation of the Taliban. Then, in late June, in what
apparently became an embarrassing diplomatic row, seminary students
kidnapped six Chinese women and a Chinese man, from an acupuncture clinic,
which they claimed was a brothel. 

For over a week, militants had been holed up inside the mosque compound,
engaging security forces in gunbattles. Last minute efforts to negotiate a
deal with Mr. Ghazi proved fruitless. Even early Tuesday, it seems, the
delegation of clerics and government officials were themselves unable to
agree on the terms of the deal. 

Abdul Hameed Rabbani, a cleric who was part of the delegation, said the
government had insisted that Mr. Ghazi face charges. Mr. Azeem, of the
information ministry, said Mr. Ghazi insisted on clemency for everyone
inside, including foreigners. 

How many foreigners may have been inside remains a mystery. The military
said they had yet to identify the dead.

A half hour after talks broke down, at about 4:30 a.m., came the big
assault. A series of deafening explosions were followed by a black plume of
smoke rising to the sky. Throughout the day, more explosions were followed
by the rattle of small arms fire and by early afternoon, heavy bursts of
machine gun fire. They grew less frequent by evening. But even this morning,
there were gunbattles in what the military called the last bastion of
die-hard fighters. 

Critics describe the storming of the mosque as an inevitable consequence of
allowing radical Islamist organizations to blossom, even after his
post-Sept. 11 pledge to curb extremism. 

"He allowed the Red Mosque people to become so powerful that they are in a
position to militarily contest Pakistani troops," said Hasan Askari Rizvi, a
Lahore-based political scientist teaching this year at
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/j/johns_h
opkins_university/index.html?inline=nyt-org> Johns Hopkins University.
"Second would be that some sympathy that he enjoyed among some Islamic
groups have totally disappeared." 

Samina Ahmed, South Asia director of the International Crisis Group, said of
the rebellion inside the Lal Masjid: "the chickens have come home to roost."

"There's been no attempt to close down jihadi madrassas, no attempt to
disband the network of banned jihadi organizations, no attempt made to adopt
a comprehensive approach to eradicating militancy," she argued. 

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