Apart from his unbelievably stupid assertion that Islam is a religion of
peace, love and tolerance and his search for
proven (unworkable) socialist solutions to the economy.
 
B
 



History will show that George W Bush was right 

 
<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/4241865/History-will-show-
that-George-W-Bush-was-right.html>
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/4241865/History-will-show-t
hat-George-W-Bush-was-right.html

The American lady who called to see if I would appear on her radio programme
was specific. "We're setting up a debate," she said sweetly, "and we want to
know from your perspective as a historian whether George W Bush was the
worst president of the 20th century, or might he be the worst president in
American history?" 

By Andrew Roberts 
Last Updated: 7:47PM GMT 14 Jan 2009

George W Bush's supposed lack of intellect will be seen to be a myth  

 


"I think he's a good president," I told her, which seemed to dumbfound her,
and wreck my chances of appearing on her show. 

In the avalanche of abuse and ridicule that we are witnessing in the media
assessments of President Bush's legacy, there are factors that need to be
borne in mind if we are to come to a judgment that is not warped by the kind
of partisan hysteria that has characterised this issue on both sides of the
Atlantic. 

The first is that history, by looking at the key facts rather than being
distracted by the loud ambient noise of the 
24-hour news cycle, will probably hand down a far more positive judgment on
Mr Bush's presidency than the immediate, knee-jerk loathing of the American
and European elites. 

At the time of 9/11, which will forever rightly be regarded as the defining
moment of the presidency, history will look in vain for anyone predicting
that the Americans murdered that day would be the very last ones to die at
the hands of Islamic fundamentalist terrorists in the US from that day to
this. 

The decisions taken by Mr Bush in the immediate aftermath of that ghastly
moment will be pored over by historians for the rest of our lifetimes. One
thing they will doubtless conclude is that the measures he took to lock down
America's borders, scrutinise travellers to and from the United States,
eavesdrop upon terrorist suspects, work closely with international
intelligence agencies and take the war to the enemy has foiled dozens,
perhaps scores of would-be murderous attacks on America. There are Americans
alive today who would not be if it had not been for the passing of the
Patriot Act. There are 3,000 people who would have died in the August 2005
airline conspiracy if it had not been for the superb inter-agency
co-operation demanded by Bush 
after 9/11. 

The next factor that will be seen in its proper historical context in years
to come will be the true reasons for invading Afghanistan in October 2001
and Iraq in April 2003. The conspiracy theories believed by many (generally,
but not always) stupid people – that it was "all about oil", or the securing
of contracts for the US-based Halliburton corporation, etc – will slip into
the obscurity from which they should never have emerged had it not been for
comedian-filmmakers such as Michael Moore. 

Instead, the obvious fact that there was a good case for invading Iraq based
on 14 spurned UN resolutions, massive human rights abuses and unfinished
business following the interrupted invasion of 1991 will be recalled. 

Similarly, the cold light of history will absolve Bush of the worst
conspiracy-theory accusation: that he knew there were no WMDs in Iraq.
History will show that, in common with the rest of his administration, the
British Government, Saddam's own generals, the French, Chinese, Israeli and
Russian intelligence agencies, and of course SIS and the CIA, everyone
assumed that a murderous dictator does not voluntarily destroy the WMD
arsenal he has used against his own people. And if he does, he does not then
expel the UN weapons inspectorate looking for proof of it, as he did in 1998
and again in 2001. 

Mr Bush assumed that the Coalition forces would find mass graves, torture
chambers, evidence for the gross abuse of the UN's food-for-oil programme,
but also WMDs. He was right about each but the last, and history will place
him in the mainstream of Western, Eastern and Arab thinking on the matter. 

History will probably, assuming it is researched and written objectively,
congratulate Mr Bush on the fact that whereas in 2000 Libya was an active
and vicious member of what he was accurately to describe as an "axis of
evil" of rogue states willing to employ terrorism to gain its ends, four
years later Colonel Gaddafi's WMD programme was sitting behind glass in a
museum in Oakridge, Tennessee. 

With his characteristic openness and at times almost self-defeating honesty,
Mr Bush has been the first to acknowledge his mistakes – for example,
tardiness over Hurricane Katrina – but there are some he made not because he
was a ranting Right-winger, but because he was too keen to win bipartisan
support. The invasion of Iraq should probably have taken place months
earlier, but was held up by the attempt to find support from UN security
council members, such as Jacques Chirac's France, that had ties to Iraq and
hostility towards the Anglo-Americans. 

History will also take Mr Bush's verbal fumbling into account, reminding us
that Ronald Reagan also mis-spoke regularly, but was still a fine president.
The first MBA president, who had a higher grade-point average at Yale than
John Kerry, Mr Bush's supposed lack of intellect will be seen to be a myth
once the papers in his Presidential Library in the Southern Methodist
University in Dallas are available. 

Films such as Oliver North's W, which portray him as a spitting, oafish frat
boy who eats with his mouth open and is rude to servants, will be revealed
by the diaries and correspondence of those around him to be absurd
travesties, of this charming, interesting, beautifully mannered history buff
who, were he not the most powerful man in the world, would be a fine person
to have as a pal. 

Instead of Al Franken, history will listen to Bob Geldof praising Mr Bush's
efforts over Aids and malaria in Africa; or to Manmohan Singh, the prime
minister of India, who told him last week: "The people of India deeply love
you." And certainly to the women of Afghanistan thanking him for saving them
from Taliban abuse, degradation and tyranny. 

When Abu Ghraib is mentioned, history will remind us that it was the Bush
Administration that imprisoned those responsible for the horrors. When
water-boarding is brought up, we will see that it was only used on three
suspects, one of whom was Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, al-Qaeda's chief of
operational planning, who divulged vast amounts of information that saved
hundreds of innocent lives. When extraordinary renditions are queried,
historians will ask how else the world's most dangerous terrorists should
have been transported. On scheduled flights? 

The credit crunch, brought on by the Democrats in Congress insisting upon
home ownership for credit-unworthy people, will initially be blamed on Bush,
but the perspective of time will show that the problems at Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac started with the deregulation of the Clinton era. Instead Bush's
very un-ideological but vast rescue package of $700 billion (£480 billion)
might well be seen as lessening the impact of the squeeze, and putting
America in position to be the first country out of recession, helped along
by his huge tax-cut packages since 2000. 

Sneered at for being "simplistic" in his reaction to 9/11, Bush's visceral
responses to the attacks of a fascistic, totalitarian death cult will be
seen as having been substantially the right ones. 

Mistakes are made in every war, but when virtually the entire military,
diplomatic and political establishment in the West opposed it, Bush insisted
on the surge in Iraq that has been seen to have brought the war around, and
set Iraq on the right path. Today its GDP is 30 per cent higher than under
Saddam, and it is free of a brutal dictator and his rapist sons. 

The number of American troops killed during the eight years of the War
against Terror has been fewer than those slain capturing two islands in the
Second World War, and in Britain we have lost fewer soldiers than on a
normal weekend on the Western Front. As for civilians, there have been fewer
Iraqis killed since the invasion than in 20 conflicts since the Second World
War. 

Iraq has been a victory for the US-led coalition, a fact that the
Bush-haters will have to deal with when perspective finally – perhaps years
from now – lends objectivity to this fine man's record. 

Andrew Roberts's 'Masters and Commanders: How Roosevelt, Churchill, Marshall
and Alanbrooke Won the War in the West' is published by Penguin 

.
 
<http://geo.yahoo.com/serv?s=97359714/grpId=11648958/grpspId=1705447214/msgI
d=84122/stime=1231982653/nc1=3848621/nc2=3848644/nc3=5202322> 
 


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