THE NEW YORK TIMES

October 30, 2010
Saudis’ Help in Stopping Plot Is Part of Shift in  Security Role
By ROBERT F. WORTH

BEIRUT, Lebanon — As new facts emerge about the terrorist plot to send
explosives from Yemen to the United States by courier, one remarkable 
strand has
stood out: the plot would likely not have been discovered if not for a 
tip by
Saudi intelligence officials.


For many in the West, Saudi Arabia remains better known as a source of
terrorism than as a partner in defeating it. It is the birthplace of 
Osama bin
Laden and 15 of the 19 hijackers in the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 
2001.


Yet Western intelligence officials say the Saudis’ own experience with
jihadists has helped them develop powerful surveillance tools and a broad
network of informers that has become increasingly important in the 
global battle
against terrorism.


This month, Saudi intelligence warned of a possible terrorist attack in 
  France
by Al Qaeda’s branch in the Arabian Peninsula. The Saudis have brought 
similar
intelligence reports about imminent threats to at least two other  European
countries in the past few years, and have played an important role in
identifying terrorists in Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia and Kuwait, according 
to Saudi
and Western intelligence officials.


“This latest role is one in a series of Saudi intelligence 
contributions,”  said
Thomas Hegghammer, a research fellow at the Norwegian Defense Research
Establishment. “They can be helpful because so much is going on in their
backyard, and because they have a limitless budget to develop their 
abilities.”


The Saudis have stepped up their intelligence-gathering efforts in Yemen 
  since
last year, when Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula came close to 
assassinating
Prince Muhammad bin Nayef, who runs the Saudi counterterrorism  program. A
suicide bomber posing as a reformed jihadist detonated a bomb hidden 
inside his
body, cutting himself to shreds but only lightly injuring the prince.


The Qaeda group’s main goal is to topple the Saudi monarchy, which they
consider illegitimate and a slave to the West.


Prince bin Nayef, whose tip to the United States led to the discovery of 
  the
two bombs on Thursday, is held in high esteem by Western intelligence 
agencies,
and works closely with them. He appears to be building a network of 
informers
across Yemen, and some terrorism analysts say they believe the tip may 
well
have come from one of his spies, possibly even from inside Al Qaeda.


“The Saudis have really stepped up their efforts in Yemen, and I’m under 
  the
impression that they’ve infiltrated Al Qaeda, so that they can warn the
Americans, the French, the British and others about plots before they 
happen,”
said Theodore Karasik, an analyst at the Institute for Near East and Gulf
Military Analysis in Dubai.


Saudi officials do not comment on delicate intelligence matters. But the 
  Saudi
role in a shadowy intelligence war in Yemen’s hinterlands has emerged in
accounts from observers in Yemen and from Al Qaeda itself, which has often
publicized its struggles to outwit Prince bin Nayef’s informers.


Last year, Al Qaeda’s regional branch killed a Yemeni security official 
  named
Bassam Sulayman Tarbush and issued a video of Mr. Tarbush describing the 
  Saudi
informer network in Marib Province, a haven for Qaeda members east of 
Sana, the
Yemeni capital. More recently, Al Qaeda released a video detailing its 
success
in misleading Saudi informers during the assassination attempt against 
Prince
bin Nayef.


Saudi Arabia’s counterterrorism program differs from its Western 
counterparts
in striking ways. It includes a familiar “hard” element of commando 
teams that
kill terrorists, along with vastly expanded surveillance. The streets 
of major
Saudi cities are continuously watched by cameras, and most Internet 
traffic
goes through a central point that facilitates monitoring.


But the program also has a softer side aimed at re-educating jihadists and
weaving them back into Saudi society. The government runs a rehabilitation
program for terrorists, including art therapy and efforts to find jobs 
and wives
for the former convicts. The program suffered an embarrassment last year 
when
two of its graduates, who had also been in Guantánamo, fled the country 
and
became leading figures in Al Qaeda’s Arabian branch.


But Saudi officials defend their overall record, noting that the program 
  now
has 349 graduates, of whom fewer than 20 have returned to terrorism.


The Saudis’ growing expertise in counterterrorism has been the fruit of 
  painful
experience. Between 2003 and 2005, home-grown jihadists waged a brutal 
campaign
of bombings in the kingdom, leaving scores of Saudis and foreigners 
dead and
forcing the nation to wake up to a reality it had long refused to 
acknowledge.
The puritanical strain of Islam fostered by the state, sometimes  called
Wahhabism, was breeding extremists who were willing to kill even Muslims 
  for
their cause.


Saudi officials acknowledge that they still have a long way to go; the 
powerful
religious establishment remains deeply conservative, and public schools
continue to teach xenophobic and anti-Semitic material. But public 
opinion, once
relatively supportive of figures like Mr. bin Laden, has shifted 
decisively
since Al Qaeda began killing Muslims on Saudi soil.


And when the Saudi Interior Ministry released its list of the top 85 
wanted
militants last year, all of them were said to be outside the kingdom, 
including
some in Yemen. Saudi Arabia’s problem, in other words, has become the 
world’s
problem.





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