Dead Souls

Posted By Victor Davis Hanson On November 14, 2010 @ 8:09 am In
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Millions of us shuffle around, sighing that most of what we hear pounded
into our brains is either banal or as untrue as it is dangerous to identify
it as such. So we ignore it, we the dead souls who live in the world of
unmentionable thoughts.

The world of banality

Here is a daily inanity: “The great majority of Muslims are moderates,” and
its ancillary: “Only a tiny percentage of Muslims are terrorists.” Both are
true, but they have value as admonishments only if there were a widespread
Western effort to demonize Islam and persecute Muslims, or we knew that mass
destruction required millions of conventional troops. But neither is true.

Last year anti-Semitic hate crimes far outnumbered attacks in America on
Muslims.

Let us do some hypothetical math to suggest a small minority can be a very
great worry. If the common referent of 1 billion Muslims in the world is
roughly accurate, and if there are only, say, 10% of the number who are
rather radical in their beliefs (e.g., the tens of millions in places like
Iran, Lebanon, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia), we may be talking only about 100
million Muslims who are indifferent to speaking out against terrorism (we
saw that reflected in a number of polls after 9/11 tracking public opinion
in the Middle East, in which only a quarter to a third of the respondents
had a positive opinion of Bin Laden or the tactic of suicide bombing.)

And further if, of that 10% /100 million subset, only one in ten is actually
sympathetic, or willing to offer aid, to terrorists, and if, among that
population of about 10 million, another one in ten actually wishes to commit
terrorist acts, then we would have 1 million Muslims worldwide to watch out
for — or one in a thousand Muslims that might cause some worry.

In that context, I ‘d prefer the other banality “not all Muslims are
terrorists, but most of today’s global terrorists are Muslims”— given that
terrorism of the age requires very few zealots. The miniscule .001% of the
Muslim community as potential terrorists is quite a lot, given we never hear
of the size of the pool from which we are postulating.

No military solution!

I heard this banality four times this week on the air and at two lectures:
“There is no military solution!”

Well, yeah, of course, you cannot bomb or blow up your way to democracy in
Iraq or Afghanistan. But who ever embraced that straw man as the sole answer
in our ongoing wars?

The fact is that in both theaters only military action can demoralize the
terrorists and insurgents enough to back off to allow ongoing diplomacy and
so-called nation-building to proceed.

Iraq is fairly stable not just because of constitutional reform and Ryan
Crocker’s inspired diplomacy or Gen. Petraeus’s brilliant efforts to assure
civilians hope and safety, but also because the U.S. military and the Sons
of Iraq in the Anbar Awakening annihilated vast cadres of al-Qaeda and
radical Sunni terrorists.

The history of war suggests gridlocked conflicts evolve to diplomatic
solutions once one side fears losing or at least sees it cannot win. The
banality of “there is no military solution” among today’s elites has become
synonymous with either “we are losing” or “we want out.”

The unmentionables

Then there are the unmentionables that we dead souls carry around as well.
All matters that even touch on race are good examples. The California papers
are now heralding that the state’s schools have a majority of Hispanic
students. But while that is good news to liberals who seem to see race as
essential not incidental to larger society, it raises then some very
uncomfortable corollaries for reporters — such as, is there any connection
to why California’s once top-flight public schools have fallen to near dead
last in test scores, given millions of non-English speakers?

Answers are offered in our major newspapers this week along the following
lines. We are told in these articles that only 40% of Latino parents can
vote (= if they could vote, would schools change for the better? And why did
parents not take action to qualify to vote? And did not they already vote —
with their feet — by the very fact they fled their homes to risk something
entirely alien in the north?)

In order not to address those questions, an “expert” is introduced into the
article to reference school board elections where noncitizens might vote (=
if one does not follow the law, change it!). We are next reminded in these
reports that few parents speak fluent English. Presto! — another PhD is
found to suggest that rather than illegal aliens learning English,
California should learn Spanish (= if a century and a half of custom is
bothersome, drop the custom).

We the dead souls read this and conclude just the opposite: Massive illegal
immigration into the state — by millions over the last two decades from the
interior of Mexico — has resulted in a sizable resident population with no
English, no high school diplomas, and no legality. For most in these
rubrics, an entry-level, manual-labor job too often became a dead-end one at
minimal wages — with all the ripples we’d expect into the second generation.

Therefore one should stop illegal immigration, restore respect for the law,
push English immersion, and stress the traditional American melting pot of
cultural assimilation — on the theory those who flee the nightmare of
today’s Mexico surely do not wish to recreate up here what they left down
there, and instead are ready for a different social, economic, cultural, and
political paradigm that explains why life changes radically from Tijuana to
San Diego.

Then a nanosecond later, we the dead souls sigh that we know such a
melting-pot paradigm would work, and yet will not be tried in this era of
the “salad bowl.” Those who voice the unmentionable will be branded as
racists by those who are mostly a) terrified of living in a world like they
see today in Mexico; and b) believe that they live in a neighborhood or earn
an income or navigate in a world that insulates them from the concrete wages
of their easy political correctness.

Rhetorically ignorant — or “he’s back”

Andrew Sullivan is an iconic character of these depressing times — a sort of
herky-jerky Paris Hilton of the blogosphere, in which brash amorality, such
as accusing the Palins of faking pregnancies or smearing officials as “war
criminals,” substitutes for any real thinking.

His latest attack last week offers another teachable moment. Sullivan
claimed that I, and others, committed the “big lie” (note the characteristic
Sullivan bombast: “liar,” “torturer,” “criminal” are favorite slurs) by
stating that Obama did not believe in American exceptionalism, based on the
president’s following remarks:

“I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits
believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek
exceptionalism. I’m enormously proud of my country and its role and history
in the world. If you think about the site of this summit and what it means,
I don’t think America should be embarrassed to see evidence of the
sacrifices of our troops, the enormous amount of resources that were put
into Europe postwar, and our leadership in crafting an Alliance that
ultimately led to the unification of Europe. We should take great pride in
that.

And if you think of our current situation, the United States remains the
largest economy in the world. We have unmatched military capability. And I
think that we have a core set of values that are enshrined in our
Constitution, in our body of law, in our democratic practices, in our belief
in free speech and equality, that, though imperfect, are exceptional.”

Here Obama engaged in what in American parlance is sometimes known as
prebuttal (see below) — the anticipation of criticism to come through
preemptive qualification.

But Sullivan thinks that the “context” and qualifiers that Obama tacked on,
praising the U.S., nullify the force of his more dramatic and sarcastic
introductory statement: “I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I
suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks
believe in Greek exceptionalism.” Therefore those of us who quoted Obama to
the effect that the president felt American exceptionalism was simply a
variant of what all countries profess were peddlers of the “big lie.”

Of course, Obama really did make it clear that exceptionalism is just a
notion that every state claims, America no differently than any others in
its belief in its own singularity. But Sullivan leaps to the puerile
conclusion that the Obama add-ons, the prebuttal, nullify the force of the
controversial statement.

Yet such subsidiary amplification — sometimes known to the Greeks as
prolepsis and sometimes more technically with elements of procatalepsis, and
perhaps antanagoge — serves two purposes: the controversial theme can be
voiced for the record, and yet the speaker is protected from criticism by
preemptive qualification. We know what Obama meant since he otherwise need
not have said anything about exceptionalism; we also know that the naïve or
disingenuous partisan like Sullivan would immediately point to the
qualifiers.

Most politicians do this. When George Bush gave his May 1, 2003, “Mission
Accomplished” speech on the deck of the USS Lincoln, he infamously stated,
“Major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the Battle of Iraq, the
United States and our allies have prevailed.”

Bush wanted to convey the thought that we had won the war and so spoke as he
did. He also wished to qualify what he said, just in case violence again
broke out. So he added all sorts of add-ons and qualifiers in the speech,
starting with the word “major” (as in maybe less major combat has not
ended). There were others like this in the speech, such as: “And now our
coalition is engaged in securing and reconstructing that country.” And this:
“We have difficult work to do in Iraq.” And this: “The transition from
dictatorship to democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our
coalition will stay until our work is done. Then we will leave, and we will
leave behind a free Iraq.”

One could argue that Bush’s “major combat operations … have ended” statement
referenced only more “major” combat operations in the three-week war against
Saddam’s conventional forces and government alone, and not insurgencies or
terrorism or non-conventional fighting, but I won’t argue that. I think even
Bush regretted that premature assessment, which often had the later effect
to discourage noting progress from the surge, given the public’s remembrance
of the prior false hope.

I think instead Bush wanted to assure the nation that most fighting of all
sorts was largely over, and yet he was not entirely certain of that — thus
the qualifications. He was logically faulted for that speech by the Left,
especially by the likes of Andrew Sullivan, who posted repeated attacks on
the controversial “major combat operations in Iraq have ended,” but who on
that occasion ignored the qualifiers that followed throughout the speech.
Sullivan, however, is never consistent in his criticism because he suffers,
inter alia, from the worst trait of a commentator — the constant desire to
adjust his own opinions, often in blatantly hypocritical and contradictory
style, to the assumed prevailing view.

Bombast and hyperbole do not denote passion of belief or sincerity.

Notices

This week, I gave an internet lecture (“The Life of an Ancient Soldier”) and
Q&A with Philip Terry as part of Professor Paul Cartledge’s (Clare College,
Cambridge) global efforts to commemorate the 2,500th anniversary of the
Athenian (and Plataean) victory at Marathon. It can be accessed at
http://www.marathon2500.org/. Cartledge wrote, among his many books, an
underappreciated biography of the Spartan King Agesilaos (Agesilaos and the
Crisis of Sparta). I say underappreciated because the title misleads; the
book is really a comprehensive history of fourth-century Greece and Sparta
in particular, with a wealth of insights and references.

In September, C-Span, as part of their series to tape representative classes
at American colleges, came to Hillsdale, where I was teaching for a month.
The video of a class on World War II, in particular emphasizing the strategy
of Churchill, Hitler, Roosevelt, and Stalin, can be found here. Warning —
the class was a marathon one, and I lectured without notes and impromptu for
the entire period of three hours. Although I haven’t watched it yet, I
imagine there are plenty of slips, given the lack of a prepared text (the
same is true of the Marathon lecture). The preview of the long tape is here:

http://www.cspan.org/Watch/Media/2010/11/14/HP/A/40577/FDR+Churchill+and+Wor
ld+War+II+Leadership.aspx

  _____  

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http://pajamasmedia.com/victordavishanson

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