Cables Suggest Mideast Resists U.S. on Cutting Terrorists' Cash

By ERIC LICHTBLAU and ERIC SCHMITT

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/06/world/middleeast/06wikileaks-financing.htm
l?ref=world&pagewanted=print 

 

December 5, 2010


Cables Suggest Mideast Resists U.S. on Cutting Terrorists' Cash


By ERIC LICHTBLAU
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/l/eric_lichtblau
/index.html?inline=nyt-per>  and ERIC SCHMITT
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/eric_schmitt/i
ndex.html?inline=nyt-per> 


WASHINGTON - Nine years after the United States vowed to shut down the money
pipeline that finances terrorism, senior Obama administration officials say
they believe that many millions of dollars are flowing largely unimpeded to
extremist groups worldwide, and they have grown frustrated by frequent
resistance from allies in the Middle East, according to secret diplomatic
dispatches. 

The government cables, sent by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/c/hillary_rodham
_clinton/index.html?inline=nyt-per>  and senior State Department officials,
catalog a long list of methods that American officials suspect terrorist
financiers are using, from a brazen armed bank robbery in Yemen last year to
kidnappings for ransom, drug proceeds in Afghanistan and annual religious
pilgrimages to Mecca, where millions of riyals or other forms of currency
change hands. 

While American officials in their public statements have been relatively
upbeat about their progress in disrupting terrorist financing, the internal
State Department cables, obtained by WikiLeaks
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/w/wikilea
ks/index.html?inline=nyt-org>  and made available to several news
organizations, offer a more pessimistic account, with blunt assessments of
the threats to the United States from money flowing to militants affiliated
with Al Qaeda
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/al_qaed
a/index.html?inline=nyt-org> , the Taliban
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/t/taliban
/index.html?inline=nyt-org> , Hamas
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/h/hamas/i
ndex.html?inline=nyt-org> , Lashkar-e-Taiba
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/l/lashkar
etaiba/index.html?inline=nyt-org>  and other groups. 

A classified memo sent by Mrs. Clinton last December made it clear that
residents of Saudi Arabia and its neighbors, all allies of the United
States, are the chief financial supporters of many extremist activities. "It
has been an ongoing challenge to persuade Saudi officials to treat terrorist
financing emanating from Saudi Arabia as a strategic priority," the cable
said, concluding that "donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most
significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide." 

The dispatch and others offered similarly grim views about the United Arab
Emirates ("a strategic gap" that terrorists can exploit), Qatar ("the worst
in the region" on counterterrorism) and Kuwait ("a key transit point"). The
cable stressed the need to "generate the political will necessary" to block
money to terrorist networks - groups that she said were "threatening
stability in Pakistan and Afghanistan and targeting coalition soldiers." 

While President George W. Bush
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/b/george_w_bush/
index.html?inline=nyt-per>  frequently vowed to cut off financing for
militants and pledged to make financiers as culpable as terrorists who
carried out plots, President Obama
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/o/barack_obama/i
ndex.html?inline=nyt-per>  has been far less vocal on the issue publicly as
he has sought to adopt a more conciliatory tone with Arab nations. But his
administration has used many of the same covert diplomatic, intelligence and
law enforcement tools as his predecessor and set up a special task force in
the summer of 2009 to deal with the growing problem. 

While federal officials can point to some successes - prosecutions, seizures
of money and tightened money-laundering regulations in foreign countries -
the results have often been frustrating, the cables show. As the United
States has pushed for more aggressive crackdowns on suspected supporters of
terrorism, foreign leaders have pushed back. In private meetings, they have
accused American officials of heavy-handedness and of presenting thin
evidence of wrongdoing by Arab charities or individuals, according to
numerous State Department cables. 

Kuwaiti officials, for example, resisted what they called "draconian"
measures sought by the United States against a prominent charity and
dismissed allegations against it as "unconvincing," according to one cable. 

The documents are filled with secret government intelligence on possible
terrorist-financing plots, like the case of a Somali preacher who was
reportedly touring Sweden, Finland and Norway last year to look for money
and recruits for the Shabab
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/al-shab
ab/index.html?inline=nyt-org> , a militant group in Somalia, or that of a
Pakistani driver caught with about $240,000 worth of Saudi riyals stuffed
behind his seat. One memo even reported on a possible plot by the Iranians
to launder $5 billion to $10 billion in cash through the Emirates' banks as
part of a broader effort to "stir up trouble" among the Persian Gulf states,
though it was not clear how much of the money might be channeled to
militants. 

One episode that set off particular concern occurred in August 2009 in
Yemen, when armed robbers stormed a bank truck on a busy downtown street in
Aden during daylight hours and stole 100 million Yemeni riyals, or about
$500,000. American diplomats said the sophistication of the robbery and
other indicators had all the markings of a Qaeda mission. "This bold,
unusual operation" could provide Al Qaeda "with a substantial financing
infusion at a time when it is thought to be short of cash," a dispatch
summarizing the episode said. 

Al Qaeda's branch in Yemen, known as Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/al_qaed
a_in_the_arabian_peninsula/index.html?inline=nyt-org> , is seen as a rising
threat by the United States and was blamed for a parcel bomb plot in October
and the failed attempt to blow up a jetliner last Dec. 25. The cables do not
make clear how or whether the finances of the Yemen group are tied to the
network led by Osama bin Laden
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/b/osama_bin_lade
n/index.html?inline=nyt-per> , whose members are believed to be in hiding
along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. 

American officials appear to have divided views on the bin Laden group's
fund-raising abilities. A cable sent in February of this year to Richard C.
Holbrooke
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/h/richard_c_holb
rooke/index.html?inline=nyt-per> , the Obama administration's special
representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, said that "sensitive reporting
indicates that al-Qaida's ability to raise funds has deteriorated
substantially, and that it is now in its weakest state since 9/11." 

But many other State Department cables draw the opposite conclusion and cite
the group's ability to generate money almost at will from wealthy
individuals and sympathetic groups throughout the Middle East while often
staying a step ahead of counterterrorism officials. 

"Terrorists avoid money transfer controls by transferring amounts below
reporting thresholds and using reliable cash couriers, hawala, and money
grams," a recent cable warned. "Emerging trends include mobile banking,
pre-paid cards, and Internet banking." 

The documents suggest that there is little evidence of significant financial
support in the United States or Europe for terrorist groups in Afghanistan
and Pakistan, despite a string of deadly but largely low-budget attacks in
London and other European cities in recent years, according to the
documents. 

"U.K. financing is important, but the real money is in the Gulf," a senior
British counterterrorism official told a Treasury Department
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/t/treasur
y_department/index.html?inline=nyt-org>  official, according to a cable last
year from the American Embassy in London. 

In hundreds of cables focusing on terrorist financing, the problem takes on
an air of intractability, as American officials speak of the seeming ease
with which terrorists are able to move money, the low cost of carrying out
deadly attacks, and the difficulty of stopping it. Interdictions are few,
and resistance is frequent. 

In Kuwait, for instance, American officials have voiced repeated concerns
that Islamic charities - largely unregulated by the government there - are
using philanthropic donations to finance terrorism abroad. But a Kuwaiti
minister, in a meeting last year with the United States ambassador, "was as
frank and pessimistic as ever when it came to the subject of apprehending
and detaining terror financiers and facilitators under Kuwait's current
legal and political framework," a memo summarizing the meeting said. 

Saudi Arabia, a critical military and diplomatic ally, emerges in the cables
as the most vexing of problems. Intelligence officials there have stepped up
their spying on militants in neighboring Yemen, and they provided the tip
that helped uncover the recent parcel bombs. But while the Saudis have made
some progress, "terrorist funding emanating from Saudi Arabia remains a
serious concern," according to a cable in February. Mrs. Clinton's memo two
months earlier said Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Lashkar-e-Taiba and other groups
"probably raise millions of dollars annually from Saudi sources, often
during Hajj and Ramadan." Officials said they believed that fund-raisers for
extremist groups had often descended on the pilgrims to seek money for their
causes. 

The United States Embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, reported in February that
the Saudi authorities remained "almost completely dependent on the C.I.A.
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/c/central
_intelligence_agency/index.html?inline=nyt-org> " for leads and direction on
terrorist financing. 

So it was not surprising that a month earlier, the embassy reported in a
separate cable that Treasury Department officials had provided information
to the Saudi domestic intelligence service, the Mabahith, on three senior
Taliban leaders - Tayyeb Agha, Mullah Jalil and Khalil Haqqani - who had
made several fund-raising trips to the kingdom, the cable said. (Like a
number of other suspected financiers identified in the cables, the three
Taliban leaders do not appear on the Treasury Department's list of "banned"
entities suspected of terrorism financing connections.) 

The Americans shared phone numbers, e-mail addresses and passport
information for the three men with the Saudis to cross check against Saudi
customs databases. Saudi authorities said they were not familiar with the
Taliban leaders but promised to pursue the tips. 

In conversations last week, Obama administration officials said that since
the latest cable released from WikiLeaks, from February 2010, the Saudis had
made notable progress, including the arrests of some major donors to
terrorist groups. Despite such pledges of cooperation between the countries,
tensions have occasionally flared behind the scenes. In 2007, a senior Bush
administration official, Frances Fragos Townsend
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/frances_fragos
_townsend/index.html?inline=nyt-per> , told her Saudi counterparts in Riyadh
that Mr. Bush was "quite concerned" about the level of cooperation from the
Saudis on terrorist financing, and she brought a personal letter on the
subject from the president to King Abdullah, according to a cable
summarizing the exchange. 

Ms. Townsend questioned whether the kingdom's ambassador to the Philippines,
Mohammed Ameen Wali, might be involved in supporting terrorism because of
his involvement with two people suspected of being financiers, the summary
said. 

Prince Saud al-Faisal
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/f/saud_alfaisal/
index.html?inline=nyt-per> , the Saudi foreign minister, challenged the
assertion, however, saying the ambassador might be guilty of "bad judgment
rather than intentional support for terrorism," and he countered with an
assertion of his own: an unnamed American bank handling the Saudi Embassy's
money in Washington was performing unnecessary audits and asking
"inappropriate and aggressive questions." 

American diplomats said that while the Saudis appeared earnest in wanting to
stanch the flow of terrorist money, they often lacked the training and
expertise to do it. "Their capabilities often fall short of their
aspirations," a cable last November said. 

Saudi leaders appear equally resigned to the situation, according to the
cables. "We are trying to do our best," Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, who leads
the Saudis' anti-terrorism activities, was quoted as telling Mr. Holbrooke,
the special representative to the region, in a May 2009 meeting. 

But, he said, "if money wants to go" to terrorist causes, "it will go." 

 



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