Report from the Libyan-Tunisian Border, Part II


Created May 19 2011 - 05:19

The following is the second and final installment of a  
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110516-report-libyan-tunisian-border> field 
report written by a STRATFOR source who recently visited the Libyan-Tunisian 
border. While Libyan rebels in the coastal town of Misurata have made 
significant gains in recent weeks against the Libyan army, the other remaining 
outpost of rebellion in western Libya — mainly ethnic Berbers holding out in 
the Nafusa Mountains — has seen no significant change in the tactical situation 
since rebels seized the Wazin-Dehiba border crossing April 21.

Forces loyal to Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi launch Grad rockets and other 
forms of artillery at the string of rebel-held towns along the mountain range 
on a daily basis, but they have been unable to retake the elevated positions, 
which give the rebels access to a strategic redoubt in neighboring Tunisia. 
Control of the border crossing — one of only two official outposts between the 
two countries, and the only one in the vicinity of the Nafusa Mountains (also 
known as the Western Mountains) — affords the rebels the luxury of an unimpeded 
supply line from Tunisia. Were the rebels to lose control of the border post, 
they would be forced to smuggle materiel through the mountains. Though local 
tribes know the terrain well and are used to smuggling subsidized gasoline from 
Libya into Tunisia during the days before the Libyan conflict broke out, this 
is still a less-secure proposition than simply driving across the border on the 
main road and would make it more difficult for the rebels to sustain their 
guerrilla fight against Gadhafi.

The fighting between the Libyan army and the rebels in the Nafusa Mountains has 
caused strains recently between the governments of Tunisia and Libya. Reports 
of stray Libyan artillery rockets landing on Tunisian soil are frequent, and 
though the damage has been minimal — a few injuries, but no deaths — there have 
also been instances in which Libyan soldiers fled into Tunisia during 
firefights with rebel forces, which Tunisia sees as a violation of its 
sovereignty. At the time STRATFOR’s source was leaving Dehiba, dozens of 
artillery rockets allegedly fell in the vicinity of the town once again, 
prompting the Tunisian government to issue a communique in which it threatened 
to report Libya to the U.N. Security Council for “committing acts of an enemy.”

Editor’s Note: What follows is a field report from a STRATFOR source in the 
region.

“I crossed onto the Libyan side again May 16 and talked to a bunch of traders 
from Zentan who sell sheep in Tunisia and bring gasoline back to Zentan the 
next day. They told me Zentan is being hit by an average of 20 artillery 
rockets — considered by everyone to be 122 mm Grads — each day, sometimes as 
many as 100. Only four struck on May 15, and there were none during the two or 
three previous days. I tend to consider the numbers rhetorical exaggerations on 
their part, but then again I heard heavy machine gun fire and at least 15 
artillery rockets target the mountains during the two nights I was in Dehiba. 
As far as the military situation in and around Zentan is concerned, there seems 
to basically have been no significant change over the last three months, of 
course with the exception of the border post having been taken and its effect 
on the rebel supply lines. Before, everything had to go through the smuggling 
routes in the mountains — actually more like big hills, but pretty steep.

Both on the Tunisian and Libyan side, everyone was smuggling even before the 
war. Dehiba is a sort of bay surrounded on two sides by the mountains behind 
which lies Libya. Before the unrest, people were bringing gasoline from Libya 
into Tunisia because it was so much cheaper. Now the direction of the traffic 
has changed but the intensity only has picked up. There are rundown pickup 
trucks all over the place that have no license plates and are only used to 
cross the mountains. The soldiers and border control guards know this, of 
course; they can actually see it because the main point of commerce to trade 
sheep brought in from Libya is just behind the border post. This makes the 
whole situation kind of odd as cars going through the post are subject to a 
close scrutiny. But at the same time, everyone knows you can just go around. I 
guess the idea is that only locals can avoid the posts because they know the 
routes you have to take, while foreigners from al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb 
— who are the ones people are worried about, especially since the  
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110516-weapons-seizures-tunisia-apparently-linked-aqim>
 arrests in recent weeks — have to go through the controls.

In Zentan, the rebels hold the city center and families and old men are in the 
outskirts or accompanying villages. These men claimed that only 25 percent of 
residents had left, and after seeing the relatively low amount of refugees on 
the Tunisian side of the border I would believe that. Gadhafi’s troops shell 
downtown Zentan from down the mountain, though there does not seem to be much 
of a discernable pattern to their targeting. The rebels there claim to have 
killed 200 soldiers and imprisoned 250. At the same time, they claim there are 
only 500 soldiers encircling Zentan. Among the prisoners, according to the two 
supply runners I spoke to, there are mercenaries from Mali, Chad, Algeria and 
Sudan. Also, the families of local officers on Gadhafi’s side supposedly are 
being held hostage in Tripoli in order to ensure the officers’ obeisance.

I believe most of what those two told me, except some of the figures. They were 
guests of the man with whom I was staying. We ate, had tea and smoked together. 
This kind of stuff means everything down there. I had previously tried to talk 
to people from Zentan in a refugee camp while with an American working for an 
international nongovernmental organization and no one wanted to talk to us. The 
local who introduced me changed everything in that sense.

On the Libyan side of the border, I ventured into the first rebel-held town, 
Wazin. I was unable to go farther, as I had no one to translate for me and was 
worried about not getting back to Tunisia before nightfall (when the shelling 
usually starts). I talked to a group of young men from Jadu there. There were 
maybe seven or eight of them hanging out at a bombed-out gas station where they 
also sleep. The rebels have formed troops by locality of about 20 men each. 
They take shifts up on the mountains in three units — two days up there 
defending their front, one day in the valley to relax. Underequipped, they are 
forced to hand off their arms to the ones coming up when they switch. They 
claim they have taken all their weapons from Gadhafi’s soldiers.

All the rebels I met were former students or university graduates with 
low-paying jobs, one truck driver with a geology degree, for example, who had 
never fought before. I doubt very much their claim that the rebels are composed 
of about 40-50 percent former professional soldiers. I didn’t see nor talk to a 
single rebel who fit this description.

One of my new friends, a youngster living in Dehiba, called me when I was on my 
way back to Tunis and told me Gadhafi’s forces had started shelling more 
intensely, including during the day, which didn’t happen when I was there. It 
seems they also targeted Wazin, which also hadn’t been happening. The rebels on 
the mountain road they are holding seem to have moved back their positions 
some. Maybe that rumor that Gadhafi’s troops had received reinforcements a few 
days ago was true after all. The new rumor (as of May 17) is that Gadhafi has 
given his troops 48 hours to take the border post again, but then again, we’ve 
seen self-imposed deadlines like this from Gadhafi before in other theaters of 
the war, and they typically don’t mean much.”

SOURCE: Report from the Libyan-Tunisian Border, Part II 
<http://www.stratfor.com/print/194845>  

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