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The Bin Laden Operation: Tapping Human Intelligence


May 26, 2011 | 0853 GMT 

By Fred Burton

Since May 2, when U.S. special operations forces crossed the
Afghan-Pakistani border and killed Osama bin Laden
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110502-afghanistan-weekly-war-update-bin
-ladens-death-spring-offensive> , international media have covered the raid
from virtually every angle. The United States and Pakistan have also squared
off over the U.S. violation of Pakistan's sovereign territory and
<javascript:launchPlayer('s24takfv',%20'http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9jy2T
-kmVLs',%20640,%20360)>
http://media.stratfor.com/stratfor_images/playbuttonsmall.gifPakistan's
possible complicity in hiding the al Qaeda leader. All this surface-level
discussion, however, largely ignores almost 10 years of intelligence
development in the hunt for bin Laden. 

While the cross-border nighttime raid deep into Pakistan was a daring and
daunting operation, the work to find the target - one person out of 180
million in a country full of insurgent groups and a population hostile to
American activities on its soil - was a far greater challenge. For the other
side, the challenge of hiding the world's most wanted man from the world's
most funded intelligence apparatus created a clandestine shell game that
probably involved current or former Pakistani intelligence officers as well
as competing intelligence services. The details of this struggle will likely
remain classified for decades. 

Examining the hunt for bin Laden is also difficult, mainly because of the
sensitivity of the mission and the possibility that some of the public
information now available could be disinformation intended to disguise
intelligence sources and methods. Successful operations can often compromise
human sources and new intelligence technologies that have taken years to
develop. Because of this, it is not uncommon for intelligence services to
try to create a wilderness of mirrors to protect sources and methods. But
using open-source reporting and human intelligence from STRATFOR's own
sources, we can assemble enough information to draw some conclusions about
this complex intelligence effort and raise some key questions. 


The Challenge


Following the 9/11 attacks, finding and killing bin Laden became the primary
mission of the U.S. intelligence community, particularly the CIA. This
mission was clearly laid out in a presidential "finding," or directive,
signed on Sept. 17, 2001, by then-U.S. President George W. Bush. By 2005 it
became clear to STRATFOR that bin Laden was deep inside Pakistan
<http://www.stratfor.com/geopolitical_diary_monday_june_20_2005> . Although
the Pakistani government was ostensibly a U.S. ally, it was known that there
were elements within it sympathetic to al Qaeda and bin Laden. In order to
find bin Laden, U.S. intelligence would have to work with - and against -
Pakistani intelligence services. 

Finding bin Laden in a hostile intelligence environment while friends and
sympathizers were protecting him represented a monumental intelligence
challenge for the United States. With bin Laden and his confederates
extremely conscious of U.S technical intelligence abilities, the search
quickly became a human-intelligence challenge. While STRATFOR believes bin
Laden had become tactically irrelevant
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110502-tactical-irrelevance-osama-bin-la
dens-death>  since 9/11, he remained symbolically important and a focal
point for the U.S. intelligence effort. And while it appears that the United
States has improved its intelligence capabilities and passed an important
test, much remains undone. Today, the public information surrounding the
case illuminates the capabilities that will be used to find other high-value
targets
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110503-intelligence-turnover-after-bin-l
aden-who-will-us-target-next>  as the U.S. effort continues.

The official story on the intelligence that led to bin Laden's Abbottabad
compound has been widely reported, leaked from current and former U.S.
officials. It focuses on a man with the cover name Abu Ahmed al-Kuwaiti, a
Pakistani Pashtun born in Kuwait who became bin Laden's most trusted
courier. With fluency in Pashto and Arabic, according to media reports,
al-Kuwaiti would be invaluable to al Qaeda, and in order to purchase bin
Laden's property and run errands he would also need to be fluent in Urdu.
His position as bin Laden's most trusted courier made him a key link in
disrupting the organization. While this man supposedly led the United States
to bin Laden, it took a decade of revamping U.S. intelligence capabilities
and a great deal of hard work (and maybe even a lucky break) to actually
find him. 

The first step for U.S. intelligence services after Bush's directive was
focusing their efforts on bin Laden and the al Qaeda leadership.
Intelligence collection against al Qaeda was under way before 9/11, but
after the attacks it became the No. 1 priority. Due to a lack of human
intelligence in the region and allies for an invasion of Afghanistan, the
CIA revived connections with anti-Taliban forces in Afghanistan and with
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate in order to oust
the Taliban government and accrue intelligence for use in disrupting al
Qaeda. The connections were built in the 1980s as the CIA famously operated
through the ISI to fund militant groups in Afghanistan fighting the Soviet
military. Most of these links were lost when the Soviets withdrew from the
Southwest Asian state and the CIA nominally declared victory. Pakistan, left
with Afghanistan and these militant groups, developed a working relationship
with the Taliban and others for its own interests. A coterie of ISI officers
was embedded with different militant groups, and some of them became
jihadist sympathizers. 

U.S. intelligence budgets were severely cut in the 1990s in light of the
"peace dividend" following the fall of the Soviet Union, as some U.S.
leaders argued there was no one left to fight. Intelligence collection was a
dirty, ambiguous and dangerous game that U.S. politicians were not prepared
to stomach. John Deutch, the director of the CIA from 1995 to 1996, gutted
the CIA's sources on what was known as the "Torricelli Principle" (named
after then-Rep. Robert Torricelli), which called for the removal of any
unsavory characters from the payroll. This meant losing sources in the exact
kind of organizations U.S. intelligence would want to infiltrate, including
militants in Southwest Asia. 

The CIA began to revive its contacts in the region after the 1998 U.S.
Embassy bombings in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. While the
U.S. intelligence community was looking for bin Laden at this time, he was
not a high priority, and U.S. human-intelligence capabilities in the region
were limited. The United States has always had trouble with human
intelligence - having people sitting at computers is less of a security risk
than having daring undercover operatives running around in the field - and
by the end of the 1990s it was relying on technological platforms for
intelligence more than ever. 

The United States was in this state on Sept. 12, 2001, when it began to ramp
up its intelligence operations, and al Qaeda was aware of this. Bin Laden
knew that if he could stay away from electronic communications, and
generally out of sight, he would be much harder to track. After invading
Afghanistan and working with the ISI in Pakistan, the United States had a
large number of detainees who it hoped would have information to breach bin
Laden's operational security. From some mix of detainees caught in
operations in Afghanistan and Pakistan (particularly with the help of the
ISI), including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed
<http://www.stratfor.com/secret_prisons_implications_administrations_maneuve
r>  and Abu Farj al-Libi
<http://www.stratfor.com/capture_pakistan_tightening_squeeze_al_qaeda> ,
came information leading to an important bin Laden courier known by various
names, including Abu Ahmed al-Kuwaiti. (His actual identity is still
unconfirmed, though his real name may be Sheikh Abu Ahmed.)

The efficacy of enhanced interrogation and torture techniques
<http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20090420_torture_and_u_s_intelligence_failur
e>  is constantly debated - they may have helped clarify or obfuscate the
courier's identity (some reports say Mohammed tried to lead investigators
away from him). What is clear is that U.S. intelligence lacked both a
sophisticated and nuanced understanding of al Qaeda and, most important,
human sources with access to that information. With the United States not
knowing what al Qaeda was capable of, the fear of a follow-on attack to 9/11
loomed large.

Anonymous U.S. intelligence officials told Reuters the breakthrough came
when a man named Hassan Ghul was captured in Iraq in 2004 by Kurdish forces
and turned over to the United States. Little is known about Ghul's identity
except that he is believed to have worked with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi
<http://www.stratfor.com/iraq_implications_al_zarqawis_death>  and to have
given interrogators information about a man named "al-Kuwaiti" who was a
courier between al-Zarqawi and al Qaeda operational commanders in
Afghanistan and Pakistan
<http://www.stratfor.com/al_qaeda_missing_middle_managers_0> . Ghul was then
given over to the Pakistani security services; he is believed to have been
released in 2007 and to now be fighting somewhere in the region. 

While U.S. intelligence services got confirmation of al-Kuwaiti's role from
al-Libi, they could not find the courier. It is unknown if they gave any of
this information to the Pakistanis or asked for their help. According to
leaks from U.S. officials to AP, the Pakistanis provided the National
Security Agency (NSA), the main U.S. communications interception agency,
with information that allowed it to monitor a SIM card from a cellphone that
had frequently called Saudi Arabia. In 2010, the NSA intercepted a call made
by al-Kuwaiti and began tracking him in Pakistan. Another U.S. official told
CNN that the operational security exercised by al-Kuwaiti and his brother
made them difficult to trail, but "an elaborate surveillance effort" was
organized to track them to the Abbottabad compound. 

>From then on, the NSA monitored all of the cellphones used by the couriers
and their family members, though they were often turned off and had
batteries removed when the phones' users went to the Abbottabad compound or
to other important meetings. The compound was monitored by satellites and
RQ-170 Sentinels, stealth versions of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), which
were reportedly flown over the compound. According to The Wall Street
Journal, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) even built a
replica of the compound for CIA Director Leon Panetta and other officials.
The NGA is the premier U.S. satellite observation agency, which could have
watched the goings-on at the compound and even spotted bin Laden, though it
would have been difficult to confirm his identity. 

Some of these leaks could be disingenuous in order to lead the public and
adversary intelligence agencies away from highly classified sources and
methods. But they do reflect long-believed assessments of the U.S.
intelligence community regarding its advanced capability in technology-based
intelligence gathering as well as the challenges it faces in
human-intelligence collection. 


The Utility of Liaison Relationships


Historically, U.S. intelligence officers have been white males, though the
CIA has more recently begun hiring more minorities, including those from
various ethnic and linguistic groups important to its mission (or at least
those who can pass the polygraph and full-field background investigation, a
substantial barrier). Even when intelligence officers look the part in the
countries in which they operate and have a native understanding of the
cultures and languages, they need sources within the organizations they are
trying to penetrate. It is these sources, recruited by intelligence officers
and without official or secret status, who are the "agents" providing the
information needed back at headquarters. The less an intelligence officer
appears like a local the more difficult it is to meet with and develop these
agents, which has led the United States to frequently depend on liaison
services - local intelligence entities - to collect information. 

Many intelligence services around the world were established with American
support or funding for just this purpose. The most dependent liaison
services essentially function as sources, acquiring information at the local
CIA station's request. They are often made up of long-serving officers in
the local country's military, police or intelligence services, with a
nuanced understanding of local issues and the ability to maintain a network
of sources. With independent intelligence services, such as Israel's Mossad,
there has been roughly an equal exchange of intelligence, where Israeli
sources may recruit a human source valuable to the United States and the CIA
may have satellite imagery or communications intercepts valuable to the
Israelis. 

Of course, this is not a simple game. It involves sophisticated players
trying to collect intelligence while deceiving one another about their
intentions and plans - and many times trying to muddy the water a little to
hide the identity of their sources from the liaison service. Even the
closest intelligence relationships, such as that between the CIA and the
British Secret Intelligence Service, have been disrupted by moles like Kim
Philby <http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/chapter_one_buried_bodies> , a
longtime Soviet plant who handled the liaison work between the two agencies.


Since most U.S. intelligence officers serve on rotations of only one to
three years - out of concern they will "go native" or to allow them to
return to the comfort of home - it becomes even more challenging to develop
long-term human-intelligence sources. While intelligence officers will pass
their sources off to their replacements, the liaison service becomes even
more valuable in being able to sustain source relationships, which can take
years to build. Liaison relationships, then, become a way to efficiently use
and extend U.S. intelligence resources, which, unlike such services in most
countries, have global requirements. The United States may be the world's
superpower, but it is impossible for it to maintain sources everywhere. 


Liaison and Unilateral Operations in the Hunt for Bin Laden


In recent years, U.S. intelligence has worked with Pakistan's ISI most
notably in raids throughout Pakistan against senior al Qaeda operatives like
Abu Zubaydah, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Abu Farj
al-Libi. We can also presume that much of the information used by the United
States for UAV strikes comes through sources in Pakistani intelligence as
well as those on the Afghan side of the border. Another example of such
cooperation, also to find bin Laden, is the CIA's work with the Jordanian
General Intelligence Department, an effort that went awry in the Khost
suicide attack
<http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20100111_khost_attack_and_intelligence_war_c
hallenge> . Such is the risk with liaison relationships - to what extent can
one intelligence officer trust another's sources and motives? Nevertheless,
these liaison networks were the best the United States had available, and
huge amounts of resources were put into developing intelligence through them
in looking for major jihadists, including bin Laden. 

The United States is particularly concerned about Pakistan's intelligence
services and the possibility that some of their officers could be
compromised by, or at least sympathetic to, jihadists. Given the
relationships with jihadists maintained by former ISI officers such as
Khalid Khawaja and Sultan Amir Tarar (known as Colonel Imam), who were both
held hostage and killed by Pakistani militants, and most famously former ISI
Director Hamid Gul, there is cause for concern. These three are the most
famous former ISI officers with links to jihadists, but because they were
(or are) long retired from the ISI and their notoriety makes them easy to
track to jihadists, they have little influence on either group. But the
reality is that there are current ISI and military officers sympathizing or
working with important jihadist groups. Indeed, it was liaison work by the
CIA and Saudi Arabia that helped develop strong connections with Arab and
Afghan militants, some of whom would go on to become members of al Qaeda and
the Taliban. The ISI was responsible for distributing U.S.- and
Saudi-supplied weapons to various Afghan militant groups to fight the
Russians in the 1980s, and it controlled contact with these groups. If some
of those contacts remain, jihadists could be using members of the ISI rather
than the other way around. 

Due to concerns like these, according to official statements and leaked
information, U.S. intelligence officers never told their Pakistani liaison
counterparts about the forthcoming bin Laden raid. It appears the CIA
developed a unilateral capability to operate within Pakistan, demonstrated
by the Raymond Davis shooting
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110127-us-consulate-worker-involved-in-l
ahore-shooting>  in January as well as the bin Laden raid. Davis was a
contractor providing security for U.S. intelligence officers in Pakistan
when he killed two reportedly armed men in Lahore, and his case brought the
CIA-ISI conflict out in the open
<http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20110302-pakistani-intelligence-cia-mutual-d
istrust-suspicion> . Requests by Pakistani officials to remove more than 300
similar individuals from the country show that there are a large number of
U.S. intelligence operatives in Pakistan. Other aspects of this unilateral
U.S. effort were the tracking of bin Laden, further confirmation of his
identity and the safe house the CIA maintained in Abbottabad for months to
monitor the compound. 


The CIA and the ISI


Even with the liaison relationships in Pakistan, which involved meetings
between the CIA station chief in Islamabad and senior members of the ISI,
the CIA ran unilateral operations on the ground. Liaison services cannot be
used to recruit sources within the host government; this must be done
unilaterally. This is where direct competition between intelligence services
comes into play. In Pakistan, this competition may involve different
organizations such as Pakistan's Intelligence Bureau or Federal
Investigation Agency, both of which have counterintelligence functions, or
separate departments within the ISI, where one department is assigned to
liaison while others handle counterintelligence or work with militant
groups. Counterintelligence officers may want to disrupt intelligence
operations that involve collecting information on the host-country military,
or they may simply want to monitor the foreign intelligence service's
efforts to recruit jihadists. They can also feed disinformation to the
operatives. This competition is known to all players and is not out of the
ordinary.

But the U.S. intelligence community is wondering if this ordinary
competition was taken to another level - if the ISI, or elements of it, were
actually protecting bin Laden. The people helping bin Laden and other al
Qaeda operatives and contacts in Abbottabad
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20110505-who-was-hiding-bin-laden-abbottab
ad>  were the same people the CIA was competing against. Were they simply
jihadists or a more resourceful and capable state intelligence agency? If
the ISI as an institution knew about bin Laden's location, it would mean it
outwitted the CIA for nearly a decade in hiding his whereabouts. It would
also mean that no ISI officers who knew his location were turned by U.S.
intelligence, that no communications were intercepted and that no leaks
reached the media. 

On the other hand, if someone within the ISI was protecting bin Laden and
keeping it from the rest of the organization, it would mean the ISI was
beaten internally and the CIA eventually caught up by developing its own
sources and was able to find bin Laden on its own. As we point out above,
the official story on the bin Laden intelligence effort may be
disinformation to protect sources and methods. Still, this seems to be a
more plausible scenario. American and Pakistani sources have told STRATFOR
that there are likely jihadist sympathizers within the ISI who helped bin
Laden or his supporters. Given that Pakistan is fighting its own war with al
Qaeda-allied groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, the country's leadership
in Islamabad has no interest in protecting them. Furthermore, finding an
individual anywhere, especially in a foreign country with multiple
insurgencies under way, is an extremely difficult intelligence challenge
<http://www.stratfor.com/obstacles_capture_osama_bin_laden> . 

Assuming the official story is mostly true, the bin Laden raid demonstrates
that U.S. intelligence has come full circle since the end of the Cold War.
It was able to successfully collect and analyze intelligence of all types
and develop and deploy on-the-ground capabilities it had been lacking to
find an individual who was hiding and probably protected. It was able to
quickly work with special operations forces under CIA command to carry out
an elaborate operation to capture or kill him, a capability honed by the
U.S. Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) in the development of its own
capture-and-kill capabilities in Iraq and Afghanistan
<http://www.stratfor.com/analysis/20100415_afghanistan_us_special_forces_dou
ble> . The CIA is responsible for missions in Pakistan, where, like the
JSOC, it has demonstrated an efficient and devastating capability to task
UAV strikes and conduct cross-border raids. The bin Laden raid was the
public proof of concept that the United States could collect intelligence
and reach far into hostile territory to capture or kill its targets. 

It is unclear exactly how the U.S. intelligence community has been able to
develop these capabilities, beyond the huge post-9/11 influx of money and
personnel (simply throwing resources at a problem is never a complete
solution). The United States faced Sept. 11, 2001, without strategic warning
of the attacks inspired by bin Laden, and then it faced a tactical threat it
was unprepared to fight. Whatever the new and improved human-intelligence
capabilities may be, they are no doubt some function of the experience
gained by operatives in a concerted, global campaign against jihadists.
Human intelligence is probably still the biggest U.S. weakness, but given
the evidence of unilateral operations in Pakistan, it is not the weakness it
used to be. 


The Intelligence Battle Between the U.S. and Pakistan


The
<javascript:launchPlayer('m0i3pyef',%20'http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tcw-0
nEvcRI',%20640,%20360)>
http://media.stratfor.com/stratfor_images/playbuttonsmall.gifcompetition and
cooperation among various intelligence agencies did not end with the death
of Osama bin Laden. Publicity surrounding the operation has led to calls in
Pakistan to eject any and all American interests in the country. In the past
few years, Pakistan has made it difficult for many Americans to get visas,
especially those with official status that may be cover for intelligence
operations. Raymond Davis was one of these people. Involved in protecting
intelligence officers who were conducting human-intelligence missions, he
would have been tasked not only with protecting them from physical threats
from jihadists but also with helping ensure they were not under the
surveillance of a hostile intelligence agency.

Pakistan has only ratcheted up these barriers since the bin Laden raid. The
Interior Ministry announced May 19 that it would ban travel by foreign
diplomats to cities other than those where they are stationed without
permission from Pakistani authorities. The News, a Pakistani daily, reported
May 20 that Interior Minister Rehman Malik chaired a meeting with provincial
authorities on regulating travel by foreigners, approving their entry into
the country and monitoring unregistered mobile phones. While some of these
efforts are intended to deal with jihadists disguised within large groups of
Afghan nationals, they also place barriers on foreign intelligence officers
in the country. While non-official cover is becoming more common for CIA
officers overseas, many are still traveling on various diplomatic documents
and thus would require these approvals. The presence of intelligence
officers on the ground for the bin Laden raid shows there are workarounds
for such barriers that will be used when the mission is important enough. In
fact, according to STRATFOR sources, the CIA has for years been operating in
Pakistan under what are known as "Moscow rules" - the strictest tradecraft
for operating behind enemy lines - with clandestine units developing human
sources and searching for al Qaeda and other militant leaders.

And this dynamic will only continue. Pakistani Foreign Secretary Salman
Bashir told The Wall Street Journal on May 6 that another operation like the
bin Laden raid would have "terrible consequences," while U.S. President
Barack Obama told BBC on May 22 that he would authorize similar strikes in
the future if they were called for. Pakistan, as any sovereign country
would, is trying to protect its territory, while the United States will
continue to search for high-value targets who are hiding there. The bin
Laden operation only brought this clandestine competition to the public eye.


Bin Laden is dead, but many other individuals on the U.S. high-value target
list remain at large. With the bold execution and ultimate success of the
Abbottabad raid now public, the overarching American operational concept for
hunting high-value targets has been demonstrated and the immense resources
that were focused on bin Laden are now freed up. While the United States
still faces intelligence challenges, those most wanted by the Americans can
no longer take comfort in the fact that bin Laden is eluding his hunters or
that the Americans are expending any more of their effort looking for him.

 

Reprinting or republication of this report on websites is authorized by
prominently displaying the following sentence, including the hyperlink to
STRATFOR, at the beginning or end of the report.

"The Bin Laden Operation: Tapping Human Intelligence
<http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20110525-bin-laden-operation-tapping-human-i
ntelligence>  is republished with permission of STRATFOR."



Read more:
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ntelligence?utm_source=SWeekly&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=110526&utm_cont
ent=readmore&elq=531afd690ea145b5a8c636221f17b610#ixzz1NSjzdcyC> The Bin
Laden Operation: Tapping Human Intelligence | STRATFOR 

 



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