Hello June, 

Thanks for your contribution. The attachment you gave is only the abstract of 
the article you mention. Can you give a link to the full article?

Thanks,

Anna



On 29 Jan 2015, at 21:31, P2P Foundation mailing list 
<[email protected]> wrote:

Well, I am late to this conversation below but am energized by the fact that 
someone else led the charge on these always "never-time-to-fully-excavate" but 
in the end, trumping issues of how human beings and ultimately all human 
organizations succeed or do not succeed.  Either these issues are explicitly 
addressed in any "new" government model from its inception and thus run 
differently from its inception, or history has taught us they will face 
breakdown on the same old deeply taught emotional/social oppression that Anna 
so effectively quotes below.  Hooray Anna, that you raise your voice on this so 
eloquently again.  I know the silence that we still face, and I support you for 
trying, regardless.

Here's the thing and I will frame this far less eloquently than you did, Anna: 
patriarchy is at root a "bully culture".  If any true transformational change 
is to be imagined, it has to be imagined in an explicitly non-bully "frame" 
(non-patriarchal, non-soley-left brain rational quantitative discounting of 
qualitative and felt experience and intelligences), from its inception.  
Otherwise, as has been the historic reality, once the rational and thoughtful 
men finally do get into power you still get "power struggles", (as happened in 
the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, all "revolutions" that didn't 
"revolve out" these underlying power premises).  This, despite the often truly 
"enlightened" and liberating well argued rational dominant understanding that 
still doesn't address these deeper emotional social constructs in any explicit 
way from the beginning of that "new" power assumption. Thus, ultimately the 
"bullies" always end up winning those power struggles as the old patriarchal 
paradigm reasserts itself, having never truly been transformed at the level 
that it most matters and actually changes human relationships.

I truly understand and even empathize Michel, with your frustration, so similar 
to my rational computer engineering but truly radical thinking husband on these 
same "global challenges" -- how big they are, how critical some things are that 
must be addressed to retain any possibility of sustainability together, against 
the powers amassed against any potential transformation at all. But you will 
ultimately find, as Anna and I have pointed out numerous times before with 
specific examples even within this organization as with any organization trying 
for these deep and true lasting transformations, that the breakdowns will 
happen in communication and mostly mis-communication, in emotional 
game-playing, in ego battles that no one was willing to prepare for addressing. 
 Anna and I know they will.  We have watched it all our lives from the outside 
seats.  As have others of either gender, but still on "the outside".

Dante understood this premise as the base of the underlying emotional/social 
and cultural construct that currently dominates,  which includes patriarchy at 
its intrinsic base. A base assumption that generates all of its subsequent 
superiority/inferiority divisions which ultimately always come into play 
including racism, classicism, elite-educationism, imperialism, homophobia and 
numerous others of these most powerful de-railers of cross-cultural 
communications within any true "commons" vision of the "people".

You, Syriza, Podemos...all can be understandably overwhelmed with the immediate 
political-economic priorities.  But there are many who deeply understand that 
these socially destructive realities too are a deep priority and the deeper 
essence of any true geo-poitical transformation and willing to spend their time 
-- if validated and empowered to --  addressing it and reminding you of it, as 
an essential priority too, now not later. Or, what we also know deeply is that 
without this focus too,  any real change will implode on these lines more 
completely or...not truly be a "change"of any real transformation in the end, 
at all.

For those interested in the deeper context of that kind of true transformation 
where it makes the most difference in our resulting human relationships and 
organizations, my attached article here for the Journal of Sustainable 
Education's next issue (out on Valentine's Day) addresses these concepts 
explicitly in, "What has Love Got to do With Transformative Education?"

I don't mind it being disregarded or considered "down in the noise" of the 
immediate, pressing "realities".  We all have our areas of expertise and 
deepest effectiveness.  The key is to know when they are blinding you to other 
potential huge pitfalls avoidable by listening to and including those "other" 
voices that warn you of the areas you are not validating or understanding, as 
potentially most destructive to your hopes and dreams in ways you haven't the 
ability or natural interest to see and thus prepare for preventing.  Because 
you'll never get the "time" later, in time to avoid the conflict-constructs 
already embedded and allowed to continue at these levels.

Sincerely meant, as I know how deeply you do work on the parts that you do 
believe are most critical.  Nonetheless, this too can still be done...by others 
who know why it also is potentially, just as critical to include, if true 
"change" actually is allowed and empowered to happen.

Best hopes,
June

From: P2P Foundation mailing list <[email protected]>
To: P2P Foundation mailing list <[email protected]> 
Cc: "[email protected]" <[email protected]> 
Sent: Thursday, January 29, 2015 6:39 PM
Subject: Re: [P2P-F] [Networkedlabour] Another Politics - After Syriza

After my enthusiastic foray into Otto Scharma's U.Lab I have to report that I 
found it another liberal attempt to encourage people to become 'change makers', 
supporting them in a self blaming exercise, where fear and greed are seen as 
the problems of our social dis/ease, without linking this to social and 
economic pressures. 

Some good ideas of deep listening, connecting head, heart and will, moving from 
ego to Eco, focussing on what is emerging, but falling short of a radical 
critique which could reveal the enormity of the task in hand.  

Going beyond the shift in consciousness required to let go of old habits of 
thinking, takes us to an unexplored place on the edge of what we know. Few are 
willing to go there, because everywhere we judge, and we are judged, by what we 
know. In this culture ruled by science, there does not seem to be any room or 
any relevance for not knowing. Yet I persist in trying to bring it to the 
attention of those on this email list.

Anna





On 28 Jan 2015, at 10:57, Anna Harris <[email protected]> wrote:

A very different answer to the same question from Otto Scharma :

[–]rodneyrod 6 points  6 days ago  

Otto, as you have worked with change makers across the globe where have you 
seen the most resistance/discomfort in people as they attempt to enter the 
"presencing" stage of listening? How can those observations assist us as we 
open this journey to others? 
perma-link
[–]OttoScharmer[S] 5 points  6 days ago  

i have found that most people who, regardless of their sector, are exposed to 
real world change, and have to hold the space for people related changes (or 
are exposed to the creative process one way or another) are already well 
prepared to drop to these deeper levels of operating. so where is it not the 
case? with people who are stuck in powerpoints worlds of headquarters and 
politics--sometimes also people that are just very remote of real reality, like 
old style academia... but overall i am VERY surprised how significant the 
readiness for these deeper levels are --although that readiness is usually not 
conscious (yet)
perma-linkparent


On Mon, Jan 26, 2015 at 5:01 PM, P2P Foundation mailing list 
<[email protected]> wrote:
hi Anna,

At the p2p foundation we stress personal and interpersonal change and 
facilitation, but at the same time, we have to be realistic in this, what is 
already possible but very difficult in small groups of committed people may not 
be possible for society at large ... For understanding this, and though I'm 
critical of the authoritarian interpretations of that tradition, the integral 
psychology of clare graves remains fundamental ..

Detailed studies by Susan Cook-Greuters have determined that at most 2% of the 
population have integrative consciousness, with 30% more or less having this as 
a aspirational consciousness ..

I take great comfort in the growth of participative culture and skills now 
evident in the new mutualized working spaces  but this is far from being the 
general culture ..

Again, referring to the scheme of John Heron, I would say that for the greater 
masses, we are at the potential change of stage 2 to 3, with significant 
minorities at four ..

so here is how I see it:

* develop fully participative cultures for mature peer producing communities

* develop deeper participative potentialities for the aspirational parts of the 
population (active citizenship)

* embed participative process in the general social technology of our time, to 
upgrade the general culture ..

A lot then further depends on the relative positioning of scarcity vs abundance 
dynamics ...

for abundance context, the generalization of peer governance is very realistic

for scarcity contexts, the choice between hierarchical, 
democratic-representative, and market-driven allocation mechanisms remains 
entirely open

see for example how the wikipedia re-introduced a rather toxic bureaucracy by 
re-introducing artificial scarcity ... (notability requirements to be decide by 
elite editors)

just today, I am involved in a frustrating dialogue with a feminist activist 
who did not even want to share even excerpts of her book on 'moneyless living' 
.. in other words, she is creating a artificial scarcity of her own book, that 
is technically freely copyable, in order to 'swap' it in exchange for something 
else  ... reproducing the artificial scarcities in so-called advanced milieus 
... moneyless living for those that have the money to buy it ..

I'm sure you can find similar contradictions in all of us, including me ..

in conclusion, we are not ready to shed relative domination processes for any 
pure egalitarianism any time soon,

Michel

On Mon, Jan 26, 2015 at 1:05 PM, Anna Harris <[email protected]> wrote:
Amid all the euphoria in celebrating the Greek landslide, and following 
Michel's integrative approach, the points in the article below need to be 
emphasised. We all carry within us the wounds of oppression however much we 
feel we have cast them aside, and they will surface again in the new post 
capitalist structures unless we put some focus individually and collectively on 
healing ourselves and becoming whole. 

'the wounding through oppression that we all experience shows up in our 
organizing, and have permeated organizational culture except where the 
influence of feminists and others committed to transformational work has 
created a different way of creating structure, that prioritizes a strategy and 
collective struggle rooted in healing and wholeness.'

Pauli Friere spoke about this in his Pedagogy of the Oppressed.

What does that mean? How do we do that? Often it seems there isn't time to go 
into this now, let's get into power first, then we can see to these issues. 
That's when the multitude becomes an instrument, and arguments between 
hierarchy and horizontality appear to be abstract concepts with no people 
involved.

How do we become more fully human in our relationships with each other? What 
makes it particularly difficult is that there is no ready made formula - follow 
these steps and you will get there. No. This is a step into the unknown. But 
that also makes it an exciting exploration. 

Anna



> On 25 Jan 2015, at 11:38, P2P Foundation mailing list 
> <[email protected]> wrote:
> 
> https://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/andrew-willis-garc%C3%A9s/another-politics%E2%80%94from-anticolonial-to-occupy
> Another Politics-from anti-colonial to Occupy
> Chris Dixon's new book identifies four principles that underpin the success 
> of transformative social movements.
> 
> Andrew Willis Garcés 7 January 2015
> 
> [This article originally appeared in Waging Nonviolence.]
> 
> Seven years ago I worked at a tenant and worker organizing group in 
> Washington, D.C. We referred to ourselves as a "movement-building" 
> organization, but weren't always clear what we meant by that. One evening I 
> was out door-knocking with one of our members, James, an African American man 
> in his 50s. He asked me about a conference some of us had attended in Atlanta 
> the previous week, the U.S. Social Forum.
> 
> "What was the big theme there that stuck out to you?" he asked.
> 
> It was a good question. At that moment, the DJ Unk song "Walk It Out" was 
> booming from a nearby car.
> 
> "Well, I was most impressed by the groups that really try to walk out their 
> beliefs-connecting all the dots between racism, capitalism, even imperialism, 
> and the inner work we have to do as people to overcome the things we've 
> learned."
> 
> I explained more about what that meant to me.
> 
> He shook his head, amused.
> 
> "That's a tall order!" He thought about it a little more. "When will we get 
> time for all that?"
> That tall order is the subject of Chris Dixon's book Another Politics, newly 
> released by University of California Press. The product of dozens of 
> interviews conducted with community organizers over the last decade, the book 
> is an excellent distillation of what Dixon calls "another politics," a shared 
> political orientation that unites grassroots organizers working from similar 
> principles in the United States and Canada across issue, movement, sector, 
> strategy and identity.
> 
> Through the interviews, he identifies four core principles that unite left 
> "anti-authoritarian" organizers across different "strands" of struggle, 
> transcending traditional notions of issue-based organization:
> . being against domination of all kinds;
> . prioritizing the development of new social relations and forms of social 
> organization in the process of struggle;
> . linking struggles for improvements in people's lives to long-term 
> transformative visions; and
> . grassroots organizing from the bottom-up.
> 
> In regards to these different strands, he writes, "We braid them together as 
> we work collectively and build relationships across politics, campaigns and 
> movements: anarchist labor organizers draw on analytical frameworks from 
> women of color feminism; radical queer activists use community-based models 
> for dealing with violence, developed by anti-racist feminists and prison 
> abolitionists."
> 
> He explores how Occupy Wall Street, anti-colonial movements, and INCITE! 
> Women of Color Against Violence, among other groups, have contributed to 
> developing "another politics" across decades.
> 
> Dixon digs even deeper, characterizing organizations practicing "another 
> politics" as being explicit about their "collective refusal" of 
> oppression-specifically, as incorporating "the four anti's" of : 
> anti-authoritarianism; anti-capitalism; anti-oppression; and 
> anti-imperialism, into their work. This left me wondering how some 
> organizations might "fit" this taxonomy-what if your group has a handle on 
> economic exploitation, for instance, but relies on charismatic leadership?
> 
> But Dixon is nevertheless clear about organizations that he sees as 
> practicing "another politics," and the book is most compelling when he 
> recounts movement-building victories, like the story of Canada's multi-city 
> immigrant rights group No One is Illegal:
> "In a stunning December 2007 action, some 2,000 people, largely South Asian, 
> blockaded the Vancouver International Airport to stop Singh's impending 
> deportation. And starting with an 'Education Not Deportation' campaign in 
> 2006, NOII-Toronto launched a multi-year fight for Toronto to become a 
> solidarity city, where all people can access city services regardless of 
> immigration status. Organizing across sectors and services, they finally won 
> in 2013."
> 
> Dixon also uses the book to highlight "ideas rarely in writing," exploring 
> dynamics of movement-building organization that don't get much print. For 
> instance, he writes about the process of integrating not just issue lenses 
> but our whole selves-creating community and organization that operates at the 
> speed of the whole.
> 
> As Dixon writes,  "recognizing and deliberately fostering feelings and 
> relationships as essential ingredients for transformative struggle" is still 
> not a widespread practice, and he points out that this is not a new 
> phenomenon, as the Black Panthers and Student Nonviolent Coordinating 
> Committee also sought "to develop common expectations about how people should 
> treat one another."
> 
> Continuing this thread, he also counts as emergent practices among "another 
> politics" practitioners, forms of organizing that affirm families and 
> domestic and reproductive work simultaneously with challenging systemic 
> inequity, and moving beyond an individual-focused anti-oppression politics.
> 
> Dixon and the people he interviews point out that the wounding through 
> oppression that we all experience shows up in our organizing, and have 
> permeated organizational culture except where the influence of feminists and 
> others committed to transformational work has created a different way of 
> creating structure, that prioritizes a strategy and collective struggle 
> rooted in healing and wholeness. This increasing focus on wholeness and 
> wellness, seen in the recent popularity of integrating somatics and other 
> healing disciplines into community organizing, can only make us more adept at 
> building a broader and more resilient web of movements.
> 
> And Dixon helps unpack the challenges unique to movement-building 
> organizations, which, he says, must move towards specific victories and 
> goals, while also moving through a process that creates new ways of being, 
> doing and relating, that avoid replicating oppressive practices. All while 
> avoiding "ruts" common to anti-authoritarian groups, like knee-jerk 
> non-hierarchy, and the "burn bright, burn out" cycle of organizations that 
> rise and fall quickly.
> 
> Dixon illustrates this point with a fantastic metaphor offered by Project 
> South's Steph Guillioud, comparing different forms of organization to 
> different kinds of cars suited to particular functions:
> "The variations in vehicles don't change the map, they don't change the road, 
> they don't change the need for people to drive and people in the back or the 
> people moving it. We will always have and need the people who can push it and 
> the people that can work on the insides, the people who can never get a ride, 
> et cetera."
> 
> It's rare to find a book on social movements written explicitly for people 
> with less academic credentials than its author. Dixon, who wrote the book for 
> a PhD program, takes care to explain terms as they come up; he doesn't assume 
> we know about ethnography ("analyzing lived culture while experiencing it"). 
> And he gives his interviewees plenty of airtime to put their own spin on, for 
> instance, "affective organizing," which becomes "not being a fucking 
> asshole," in the wonderfully succinct words of Bay Area activist Harjit Singh 
> Gill.
> 
> Still, the number of concepts he introduces feels overwhelming at times, and 
> I longed for a glossary or flow chart when concepts like "non-instrumental 
> organizing" popped up (which, it's worth noting, refers to the analysis and 
> strategies people can create when they come together in dialogue and struggle 
> as peers, as opposed to treating people as instruments to be manipulated, or 
> pieces on a figurative chess board to mobilize toward a predetermined end).
> 
> "Anti-authoritarian," then, could be shorthand for "principled 
> organizing"-organizing that gets down to the roots, that refuses to settle 
> for electing a slightly better candidate, for selling out our potential 
> allies to scoop up a superficial win, or that sees the path to victory as 
> anything less than the destination itself.
> 
> Towards the end of the book, I was reminded of my exchange that day with 
> James. Clearly, as Dixon demonstrates, there are mixed-class organizations 
> that make time for individual and collective healing practices, for 
> skillshares and strategy seminars, for discussion groups, for intentionally 
> developing and evaluating leadership, and for developing organizational 
> structure. But increasingly, as people are forced to work longer hours for 
> lower incomes, I have to wonder: How are organizations adapting to support 
> their people to do more with less?
> 
> I longed for more detail on what day-to-day life is like for an organizer in 
> the six specifically-chosen cities from which Dixon chose his interview 
> subjects. What does it look like to practice "another politics" in Atlanta, 
> for instance? It's worth asking, given that the book is structured around 
> questions like, "How can we most productively manifest our visions through 
> our organizing work?" Like a good organizing mentor, Dixon (and his 
> interviewees) gives us insight without "right" answers, helping to deepen our 
> understanding of commonalities and remind us of the deep roots of the 
> "another politics" leftist lineage.
> 
>  ((((((  )))))
> 
> Andrew Willis Garcés works with Training for Change and has led trainings for 
> immigrant activists in several US states on campaign strategy and civil 
> disobedience. Read more of his work at www.porvida.org/.
> _______________________________________________

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