so what I find interesting in Leo Panich is not the analysis itself, but a narrative that allows commoners to work with all political forces that support the commons.
On Mon, Jul 20, 2015 at 9:18 PM, Theodoros Karyotis <[email protected]> wrote: > This is a terribly misguided article. It is just an attempt of the > traditional left to cling on to what it stands for, while wrapping it up in > a funky new vocabulary. > > For years I have been writing, in this list and in various articles, that > the project of Syriza has nothing to do with the commons or with overcoming > capitalism. On the contrary, it is a project of modernising and > rationalising capitalism in a country that "lags behind" the other european > countries in terms of opportunities for capital accumulation. I know that > this opinion has been very unpopular, and that we had to wait and see how > Syriza's plan plays out. But now we have enough data, so insisting on the > same mistakes cannot be justified. > > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza > government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme > structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will > attack the commons. > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous > governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's > long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same > arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > > In my hometown we spend 4 years mobilising the people against the > privatisation of the water company. It was a hard and unequal fight, which > had a big personal cost for the people who waged it. We managed to freeze > the privatization process and oust -temporarily- transnational giant Suez > from our city. > > Syriza is now obliged under the terms of the new memorandum to restart the > privatization process. It has the judiciary to prosecute us, and the riot > police -which it never reformed despite electoral promises- to throw > teargas at us. > > What do you think our response should be? "Ok, dear Syriza govt, we know > that you really don't want to sell off our water, but its is better that it > is done by you rather than by those right-wingers." > > Oh come on people! Time to wake up from the dream! > > It cannot be overstated: By signing a new harsh memorandum and staying in > power to implement it, Syriza has passed to the other side. It is now the > enemy. > It is a government that now subscribes to the TINA doctrine. Reluctantly? > Unwillingly? What difference does it make? > > Syriza, with its charismatic leader and its reserves of political capital, > has made possible an unprecedented attack on the people and the commons, > which would be impossible under the previous government, which was isolated > and fragile. It has made us believe that there is no other option, that > resistance is futile. > > And the idea that it can somehow pass "positive" laws to counter the > effects of the structural adjustment is preposterous. Signing this > agreement, Syriza gave up the capacity of the Greek government to > legislate. Laws will now again be written in Brussels or Berlin -same as it > has been in the past 5 years- and voted in be Greek MPs without even being > read. > > I have to reiterate that the commons movements should be radically > independent from the state and political parties. > The state's function will always be to ensure growth, attract investment, > make the economy competitive, monetize everything. Otherwise it is a > "failed state". > These goals are synonymous to austerity, compression of the forces of work > vis-a-vis capital, and an attack on the commons. > And that is why the Plan B of a national productive reconstruction outside > the eurozone is not a real solution either. Because it does not challenge > the underlying assumptions of "return to growth" and the expansion of > production, consumption and credit. > > The only place the commons have in Syriza's plan is as a "safety net", a > method of social containment which will prevent social eruptions and will > give the government an inexpensive instrument to exercise social policy, > while at the same time dismantling the welfare state. This has already > started, with the instrumentalisation of the social solidarity clinics. > > The Plan C should have an antagonistic edge, it should aim at creating new > institutions and educate people for direct democracy and people's power. It > cannot be an accessory to a program of lukewarm reforms that only aim to > save capitalism from itself. > > And Syriza cheerleaders like Panitch should wake up to the new reality > that emerges after Syriza's unconditional surrender. > > > > > > autonomias.net > twitter.com/TebeoTeo > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ...buscar y saber reconocer quién y qué, en medio del infierno, no es > infierno, y hacer que dure, y dejarle espacio... > > On 17 July 2015 at 12:04, peter waterman <[email protected]> > wrote: > >> >> [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> >> *The B u l l e t* <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> >> >> Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 >> July 17, 2015 >> [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> >> >> The Real Plan B: >> The New Greek Marathon >> Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch >> >> In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the >> threat of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has >> now voted to accept the Troika memorandum >> <http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/07/12-euro-summit-statement-greece/>. >> The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social >> democrats *choosing* to implement neoliberalism as part of their >> ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's >> MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted >> yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered >> and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved >> for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the >> Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a >> general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we >> have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue >> in office. >> >> In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might >> be done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And >> since neoliberalism is what capitalism *is* today – there is no other >> kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not >> just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of >> course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and >> responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to >> try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and >> tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, >> solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. >> >> Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have >> argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced >> instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be >> the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a >> program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. >> Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this >> argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. >> Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State >> >> We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects >> legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, >> however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted >> dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and >> deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in >> this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe >> on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued >> that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, >> the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right >> moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of >> state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base >> toward a consensus? >> >> As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs >> to be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the >> 2012 elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter >> the state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault >> from *within* the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based >> on Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a >> higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any >> others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while >> remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this >> basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's >> attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European >> Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament >> elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election >> foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when >> it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to >> challenge neoliberalism and win national office. >> >> Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced >> without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the >> very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped >> expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what >> alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as >> premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that >> was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is >> better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems >> better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and >> instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to >> support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the >> referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of >> their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and >> innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps >> even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, >> not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly >> preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. >> >> Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be >> costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos >> this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of >> clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what >> exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued >> currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions >> in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive >> industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece >> and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with >> its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to >> restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how >> many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages >> of neoliberalism. >> >> That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by >> the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's >> integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be >> increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was >> foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining >> neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that >> Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion >> that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more >> progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be >> correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper >> preparation for dealing with the consequences. >> >> What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the >> memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in >> the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of >> neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on >> the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its >> democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its >> responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of >> neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those >> who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. >> Toward a Real Plan B >> >> The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an >> exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro >> (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. >> What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the >> EU, actually entails is *to build on the solidarity networks that have >> developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to >> transform social relations within Greece*. That is the real plan B, the >> terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate >> now. What, more concretely, might this mean? >> >> The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots >> solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the >> needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups >> <http://www.solidarity4all.gr/> all across Greece addressing basic >> community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which >> provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza >> members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining >> the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent >> of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this >> year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain >> and broaden this remarkable movement. >> >> Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us >> how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of >> Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so >> they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct >> links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed >> in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with >> the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations >> could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity >> networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, >> and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest >> memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle >> land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the >> crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community >> co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across >> sub-regions. >> >> The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use >> of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements >> organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical >> education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were >> clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to >> admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections >> and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their >> skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry >> of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to >> prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to >> adult education and working on community projects. >> >> Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be >> accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating >> commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. >> Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while >> the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including >> for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set >> up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the >> Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses >> should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of >> young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The >> U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration >> <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Works_Progress_Administration> could >> serve as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to >> the broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so >> many unemployed young people are already engaged. >> >> We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves >> be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate >> the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen >> strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to >> communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which >> might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it >> helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic >> barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and >> concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as >> circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral >> institutions. >> Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind >> >> The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if >> this has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of >> that popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed >> legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put >> forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight >> against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating >> the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to >> act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving >> their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by >> continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of >> solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the >> transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. >> >> None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation >> and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We >> have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the >> state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. >> Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most >> significant. • >> >> Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research >> professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of >> Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire >> <http://www.versobooks.com/books/1145-the-making-of-global-capitalism> >> (Verso). 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Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and >> Decent Work’. >> <https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433> >> Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. >> >> *More publications, click [////]* >> >> _______________________________________________ >> NetworkedLabour mailing list >> [email protected] >> http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour >> >> > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > [email protected] > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
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