I think you summarize well your understanding of the commons Francine, Michel
On Tue, Jul 21, 2015 at 4:52 AM, Francine Mestrum <[email protected]> wrote: > I have only one question Orsan, > > > > Is ‘commons, people’s kitchens….’ a ‘real alternative to capitalism’? What > will Monsanto think of this??? > > > > Francine > > > > *Van:* NetworkedLabour [mailto:[email protected]] > *Namens *Orsan > *Verzonden:* 20 July 2015 22:34 > *Aan:* Theodoros Karyotis > *CC:* gina vargas; [email protected]; > p2p-foundation; <[email protected]>; WSFDiscuss List > *Onderwerp:* Re: [NetworkedLabour] Gindin and Panitch (from Athens): A > Real Plan B > > > > If I was Panitch or Gindin, or any academic-mainly thinker-left person, > with good connections, I would ask them publicly... > > > > Since they didn't, can anyone from European Left or Syriza on the list > answer why have you not being using state power, media, and resources to > launch and lead a massive global campaign to foster commons, people's > kitchens, solidarity economies, peer production, real alternatives to > capitalism, that empowers people; if you really really needed to keep > strong popular support and help people concretely on their livelihoods. And > those who engaged with the project enthusiastically why not asked and push > for this? While we and you all came to knew that is was what nationalist > nazi greek capital has been doing for years? > > > > Don't have any other question! > > > > Orsan > > > On 20 jul. 2015, at 16:18, Theodoros Karyotis <[email protected]> wrote: > > This is a terribly misguided article. It is just an attempt of the > traditional left to cling on to what it stands for, while wrapping it up in > a funky new vocabulary. > > > > For years I have been writing, in this list and in various articles, that > the project of Syriza has nothing to do with the commons or with overcoming > capitalism. On the contrary, it is a project of modernising and > rationalising capitalism in a country that "lags behind" the other european > countries in terms of opportunities for capital accumulation. I know that > this opinion has been very unpopular, and that we had to wait and see how > Syriza's plan plays out. But now we have enough data, so insisting on the > same mistakes cannot be justified. > > > > The idea that society, under the guidance of a 'progressive' Syriza > government can advance towards the plan C, is a dangerous fiction. > > Syriza is a governmental force that is now implementing an extreme > structural adjustment that will further compress the lower classes and will > attack the commons. > > Reluctantly, unwillingly? What difference does it make? The previous > governments also hammered us with arguments that this is for the country's > long-term benefit and that there is really no choice. Why should the same > arguments be true if they are now uttered by the left-wing? > > > > In my hometown we spend 4 years mobilising the people against the > privatisation of the water company. It was a hard and unequal fight, which > had a big personal cost for the people who waged it. We managed to freeze > the privatization process and oust -temporarily- transnational giant Suez > from our city. > > > > Syriza is now obliged under the terms of the new memorandum to restart the > privatization process. It has the judiciary to prosecute us, and the riot > police -which it never reformed despite electoral promises- to throw > teargas at us. > > > > What do you think our response should be? "Ok, dear Syriza govt, we know > that you really don't want to sell off our water, but its is better that it > is done by you rather than by those right-wingers." > > > > Oh come on people! Time to wake up from the dream! > > > > It cannot be overstated: By signing a new harsh memorandum and staying in > power to implement it, Syriza has passed to the other side. It is now the > enemy. > > It is a government that now subscribes to the TINA doctrine. Reluctantly? > Unwillingly? What difference does it make? > > > > Syriza, with its charismatic leader and its reserves of political capital, > has made possible an unprecedented attack on the people and the commons, > which would be impossible under the previous government, which was isolated > and fragile. It has made us believe that there is no other option, that > resistance is futile. > > > > And the idea that it can somehow pass "positive" laws to counter the > effects of the structural adjustment is preposterous. Signing this > agreement, Syriza gave up the capacity of the Greek government to > legislate. Laws will now again be written in Brussels or Berlin -same as it > has been in the past 5 years- and voted in be Greek MPs without even being > read. > > > > I have to reiterate that the commons movements should be radically > independent from the state and political parties. > > The state's function will always be to ensure growth, attract investment, > make the economy competitive, monetize everything. Otherwise it is a > "failed state". > > These goals are synonymous to austerity, compression of the forces of work > vis-a-vis capital, and an attack on the commons. > > And that is why the Plan B of a national productive reconstruction outside > the eurozone is not a real solution either. Because it does not challenge > the underlying assumptions of "return to growth" and the expansion of > production, consumption and credit. > > > > The only place the commons have in Syriza's plan is as a "safety net", a > method of social containment which will prevent social eruptions and will > give the government an inexpensive instrument to exercise social policy, > while at the same time dismantling the welfare state. This has already > started, with the instrumentalisation of the social solidarity clinics. > > > > The Plan C should have an antagonistic edge, it should aim at creating new > institutions and educate people for direct democracy and people's power. It > cannot be an accessory to a program of lukewarm reforms that only aim to > save capitalism from itself. > > > > And Syriza cheerleaders like Panitch should wake up to the new reality > that emerges after Syriza's unconditional surrender. > > > > > > > > > > > autonomias.net > twitter.com/TebeoTeo > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ...buscar y saber reconocer quién y qué, en medio del infierno, no es > infierno, y hacer que dure, y dejarle espacio... > > > > On 17 July 2015 at 12:04, peter waterman <[email protected]> > wrote: > > > > [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> > *The B u l l e t* <http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/> > > Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1145 > July 17, 2015 > > [image: Socialist Project - home] <http://www.socialistproject.ca/> > > > The Real Plan B: > The New Greek Marathon > Sam Gindin and Leo Panitch > > In the face of being excluded from desperately needed funds and the threat > of being kicked out of the European Union, the Greek parliament has now > voted to accept the Troika memorandum > <http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/07/12-euro-summit-statement-greece/>. > The Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras acknowledged – unlike social > democrats *choosing* to implement neoliberalism as part of their > ‘modernization‘ – that this was ‘a bad deal’ forced on the Greeks. Syriza's > MPs were divided although three quarters of them followed Tsipras and voted > yes. Outside in Syntagma Square thousands of angry demonstrators gathered > and then marched through downtown Athens, this time the ‘NO’ being reserved > for rejecting the memorandum. There is a strong current of dissent in the > Syriza party Central Committee, which has yet to meet. Yet there is also a > general sense we get from party members and supporters at all levels we > have talked with here that the government should be supported and continue > in office. > > In the face of these divisions and frustrations, what if anything might be > done to revive and continue Syriza's struggle against neoliberalism? And > since neoliberalism is what capitalism *is* today – there is no other > kind – what can be done to lay the basis for ending capitalism? This is not > just a question for Greeks, though crucial aspects of this dilemma are of > course specific to Greece, but for how the left everywhere thinks about and > responds to the challenges of coming to power in a hostile environment to > try to protect people from the worst depredations of neoliberalism, and > tries to embark on ‘really-existing transitions’ to a more egalitarian, > solidaristic, substantively more democratic world. > > Sections of the Greek left and a good part of the international left have > argued that the deal should have been rejected, and Grexit embraced > instead. This opens up a number of scenarios but the most likely would be > the government resigning, calling new elections, and Syriza running on a > program that reversed its former support for staying in the eurozone. > Whether or not the party would win its credibility would, according to this > argument, be maintained and it would at least live to fight another day. > Exiting the Euro, Leaving the State > > We would not dismiss the above argument out of hand. It reflects > legitimate emotional sentiments and strategic orientations. Until recently, > however, three of four Greeks opposed Grexit, and even if this has shifted > dramatically with the referendum and its aftermath, there is no clear and > deep consensus on leaving. Tsipras and a good part of the leadership is, in > this regard, not simply ‘tailing’ the public but deeply committed to Europe > on both economic and cultural grounds. For those of us who have long argued > that eventual exit is essential, especially from a socialist perspective, > the challenge is not so much to condemn this but to ask: When is the right > moment to take this on? What practical steps, ideological and in terms of > state capacities, might be argued for now to move the party and its base > toward a consensus? > > As for counselling Syriza to risk losing its governing status, it needs to > be noted that Syriza already faced this question in the run up to the 2012 > elections, and concluded that the responsible decision was to enter the > state and do everything it could to restrain the neoliberal assault from > *within* the state. Its electoral breakthrough that year was based on > Tsipras's declaration that Syriza was not just campaigning to register a > higher percentage of the vote but determined to form a government with any > others who would join with it in stopping the economic torture while > remaining within Europe. It was only when it came close to winning on this > basis, that Syriza vaunted to the forefront of the international left's > attention, and by the following summer, Tsipras was chosen by the European > Left Parties to lead their campaign in the 2014 European Parliament > elections. Syriza's subsequent clear victory in Greece in this election > foretold its victory in the Greek national election of January 2015, when > it became the first and only one of all the European left parties to > challenge neoliberalism and win national office. > > Even apart from the humanitarian measures it immediately introduced > without allowing the Troika's representatives to vet the legislation, the > very attempt by the new government to challenge the Troika has helped > expose the neoliberal essence of the EU and to generate discussions on what > alternatives, however difficult to imagine, might be. It strikes us as > premature to conclude from the denouement to this five month challenge that > was finally reached this week, however sobering it has been, that it is > better for Syriza to leave the state to its bourgeois opponents. It seems > better to move beyond outrage and protest, let alone resignation, and > instead struggle with what kinds of changes remain possible in the state to > support the needs of the majority of Greek people who voted OXI in the > referendum and to contribute to the much-needed further development of > their already powerfully demonstrated capacities for solidarity and > innovation. Without this a productive path out of the eurozone, and perhaps > even the EU, to escape neoliberalism would be inconceivable. It is this, > not just surreptitiously making plans for a new currency, that properly > preparing for Grexit would really need to be about. > > Those advocating an exit from the euro acknowledge that there will be > costs. Yet they also tend to understate, sometimes rather glibly, the chaos > this would entail especially for a state steeped in two centuries of > clientalist practices. Along with this comes an exaggeration of what > exiting the euro would, in itself, achieve. The economics of a new devalued > currency are sure to lead to high inflation and further dramatic reductions > in living standards, nor can it of itself produce new competitive > industries. Where the depth of the crisis is as severe as it is in Greece > and partly rooted in the very restructuring of its economy that came with > its deeper integration into Europe, changes in the currency are unlikely to > restore old industries or develop new ones. It is worth remembering how > many states with their own currencies are unable to withstand the ravages > of neoliberalism. > > That the options open to the Syriza government are even more limited by > the way the new memorandum is structured to cruelly discipline Greece's > integration into neoliberal Europe is obvious enough. It should also be > increasingly obvious to those in the party whose commitment to the EU was > foundational that staying in the eurozone is inconsistent with restraining > neoliberalism's negative impact on most Greeks. It is much to be hoped that > Syriza, and the European Left Parties in general, will abandon the notion > that an even more centralized transnational European state would be more > progressive. But it does not follow from any of this that it would be > correct for Syriza to lead a Grexit right now, without a much deeper > preparation for dealing with the consequences. > > What about resigning from office to free itself from administering the > memorandum? It would be highly irresponsible, having entered the state in > the first place promising to try to at least ameliorate the effects of > neoliberalism in Greece, to step down now after what has been imposed on > the Syriza government for its anti-neoliberal orientation and its > democratic temerity in calling the referendum. This only deepens its > responsibility to do all it still can to restrain the impact of > neoliberalism. To do otherwise would be to acquiesce in the goal of those > who tried to use the negotiations as a way to bring this government down. > Toward a Real Plan B > > The point we are getting at is that framing the issue in terms of an > exhausted Plan A (negotiating with Europe) and a rejection of the euro > (Plan B) is too limited a way to frame the dilemmas confronting Syriza. > What the deeper preparation for leaving the eurozone and possibly also the > EU, actually entails is *to build on the solidarity networks that have > developed in society to cope with the crisis as the basis for starting to > transform social relations within Greece*. That is the real plan B, the > terrain on which both Syriza and the social movements might re-invigorate > now. What, more concretely, might this mean? > > The recent years of struggle have developed the famous grassroots > solidarity movement that began – as all organizing must – by addressing the > needs of people. Out of this grew the some 400 solidarity groups > <http://www.solidarity4all.gr/> all across Greece addressing basic > community needs through self-organized democratically run collectives which > provide support for people's health, food, housing and other needs. Syriza > members were among those deeply involved in establishing and maintaining > the solidarity networks and its MPs elected in 2012 contributed 20 per cent > of their salaries to them. But since the Syriza government was elected this > year it has done very little to change and use the state so as to sustain > and broaden this remarkable movement. > > Two leaders of the ‘Solidarity for All’ assembly of these groups told us > how frustrated they were that they could not even get from the Ministry of > Agriculture the information they need on the locations of specific crops so > they might approach a broader range of farmers and develop more direct > links between them and people in need. Only 12 people in total are employed > in working for Solidarity for All – their numbers should be multiplied with > the state's help. The military trucks sitting idle between demonstrations > could be used to facilitate the distribution of food through the solidarity > networks as a way of offsetting some of the cuts to the poorest pensioners, > and of compensating for the increased VAT on food imposed by the latest > memorandum. Various state departments could be engaged in identifying idle > land – of which there is plenty in the countryside and in light of the > crisis also in urban areas – which could be be given over to community > co-ops to create work in growing food, and coordinating this across > sub-regions. > > The Ministry of Education should be actively engaged in promoting the use > of schools as community hubs that provide spaces for the social movements > organizing around food and health services, and also to provide technical > education appropriate to this. We talked with many students who were > clearly enthusiastic about working in the community but were also quick to > admit that while they were adept at competing in student union elections > and good at distributing pamphlets and organizing demonstrations, their > skills for longer-term community organizing were very limited. The Ministry > of Education could help overcome this by setting up special programs to > prepare students to spend periods of time in communities, contributing to > adult education and working on community projects. > > Similarly, the privatizations forced on the Greek state should be > accompanied by requirements that the new owners make a compensating > commitment to establish industrial parks where new jobs might be created. > Privatized firms might be required to source inputs inside Greece, while > the state's own purchases of furniture, materials and supplies (including > for schools and hospitals) might be sourced from new production units set > up his way. With so many structures standing idle and under-used (like the > Olympic sports facilities), all manners of co-ops and small businesses > should be supported in setting up operations in them, aided by groups of > young architects and engineers recruited to reconfigure these spaces. The > U.S. New Deal Work Projects Administration > <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Works_Progress_Administration> could serve > as an example not only in this respect, but especially in respect to the > broad range of artistic, theatrical and cultural activities in which so > many unemployed young people are already engaged. > > We do not want to overstate this. These experiments would not themselves > be 'solutions’. And they would no doubt lead to objections that they negate > the intent of the new memorandum's structural adjustment demands. But seen > strategically, they invite a constructive approach to linking the state to > communities in new ways that would offset the black and grey markets which > might otherwise overwhelm an economy that moved out of the eurozone. And it > helps lay the foundation for a new stage in addressing the domestic > barriers imposed by the inequalities of wealth and private property, and > concretizes the need for investment planning and public ownership so as > circulate society's social surplus to local, regional and sectoral > institutions. > Conclusion: Leadership of a New Kind > > The Syriza government currently retains a store of good will, even if this > has been damaged by the memorandum. To prevent the further erosion of that > popular support it will need to concretely counter the Troika-imposed > legislation. For every negative bill it puts forth it should creatively put > forth a positive bill that confirms its continuing commitment to the fight > against neoliberalism. Syriza's ministers must never depart from treating > the negative impositions as something positive, and indeed be expected to > act as socialist educators, helping people grasp the barriers to improving > their lives and raising rather than lowering long term expectations by > continuing to attack neoliberalism and speak to a socialist vision of > solidarity and democracy. And it is this that should inspire and guide the > transformation of state structures away from the old clientalism. > > None of this can happen unless Syriza as a party develops the orientation > and capacities to lead the Greek state and society in this direction. We > have met with people in the party and social movements, as well as the > state, who are concerned that Syriza falls well short in this respect. > Among the various reasons for being critical of Syriza, this is the most > significant. • > > Sam Gindin is adjunct professor and Leo Panitch is distinguished research > professor at York University, Canada. They co-authored The Making of > Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Empire > <http://www.versobooks.com/books/1145-the-making-of-global-capitalism> > (Verso). 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From Coldwar Communism to the Global Justice Movement: Itinerary > of a Long-Distance Internationalist. > http://www.into-ebooks.com/book/from_coldwar_communism > _to_the_global_emancipatory_movement/ (Free). 2. 2014. Interface Journal > Special (Co-Editor), December 2014. 'Social Movement Internationalisms'. > (Free).3. 2014. with Laurence Cox, ‘Movement Internationalism/s’, > Interface: a Journal for and about Social Movements. (Editorial), Vol. 6 > (2), pp. 1–12. 4. 2014. ‘The International Labour Movement in, Against > and Beyond, the Globalized and Informatized Cage of Capitalism and > Bureaucracy. (Interview). Interface: a Journal for and about Social > Movements. Vol. 6 (2), pp. 35-58. 5. 2014. 'The Networked > Internationalism of Labour's Others', in Jai Sen (ed), Peter Waterman > (co-ed), The Movement of Movements: Struggles for Other Worlds (Part I). > (10 Euros). 6. 2015. Waterman, Peter. ‘Beyond Labourism, Development and > Decent Work’. > <https://escarpmentpress.org/globallabour/article/download/2338/2433> > Global Labour Journal, 2015, 6(2), pp. 246-50. > > *More publications, click [////]* > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > [email protected] > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > [email protected] > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > > _______________________________________________ > NetworkedLabour mailing list > [email protected] > http://lists.contrast.org/mailman/listinfo/networkedlabour > > -- Check out the Commons Transition Plan here at: http://commonstransition.org P2P Foundation: http://p2pfoundation.net - http://blog.p2pfoundation.net <http://lists.ourproject.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/p2p-foundation>Updates: http://twitter.com/mbauwens; http://www.facebook.com/mbauwens #82 on the (En)Rich list: http://enrichlist.org/the-complete-list/
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