I rally with u Cde SG! A revolutionary theory without a revolutionary practice sterile!! Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless device
-----Original Message----- From: "Narius Moloto" <[email protected]> Sender: [email protected] Date: Thu, 23 Aug 2012 08:32:29 To: <[email protected]> Reply-To: [email protected] Subject: RE: RE: [PAYCO] Emailing: 6 MAY RUSTENBURG REVIEW FINAL EDIT.pdf Comrades most of africanist are armedchair revolutionaries incapable of doing anything.theirs is to engage in empty talk.we cannot keep on talking about marikana and yet fail to go there and mix with those affected miners and their families.those who considers themselves as majonis and revolutionaries in theory and empty in practice are exposed.naratiny and analysis the marikana situation without geting involved get us nowhere.i think we are exposing ourselves as reactionaries. From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Nkrumah Raymond Kgagudi Sent: 22 August 2012 07:19 PM To: [email protected] Cc: [email protected] Subject: Re: RE: [PAYCO] Emailing: 6 MAY RUSTENBURG REVIEW FINAL EDIT.pdf Comrade Sebenzile More mineworkers will continue to resign from NUM and seek alternative trade unions. As far as I know in 2010 majority of these workers declared to follow the Kroondal Murray and Roberts mineworkers methods. Facts is mineworkers and many within the manufacturing and energy industry lost faith and confidence in NUM and NUMSA including NEHAWU in the public sector. This translates to a rise of political conscioussness also about the ANC. The most unfortunate state is vocal absence political alternative to mobilise and focus this workers! Mr. Raymond Mashilo Kgagudi Cellphone: 0749226361 Email: [email protected] On 22 Aug 2012 17:02, "Sebenzile Mlaza" <[email protected]> wrote: Comrade Seroke, We, as a party are seriously suffocated by some opportunists inside the party and by compradors in the ANC-led government, who are in cohorts with the mass media, and I believe one of these days we need to craft a workable plan going forward. Time is something we don't have, we urgently need to get our house in order. I mean, we may decide to keep quite, but for how long. Meanwhile, Black people are extremely suffocated by the system both at the workplace and at their partly tarred neighbourhoods - this I know for sure from my own personal experience (I don't have time to dwell much on this). We can no longer afford the luxury of keeping quite and forever glossing over the national question, we seriously and urgently need to get our house back on track. Izwe lethu ...i-Afrika Sebenzile From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Jaki Seroke Sent: 21 August 2012 12:06 PM To: [email protected] Subject: RE: [PAYCO] Emailing: 6 MAY RUSTENBURG REVIEW FINAL EDIT.pdf Comrades TT and Nkrumah The Benchmark Research gives a detailed background to the conditions which formed the basis of mass protests by the communities in Rustenburg and surrounding areas, and Nkrumah lays out the internal conflicts in the mines between management and the unions on the one hand and between the union leadership and its membership on the other, which all eventually led to the Marikana butchery of mineworkers. And Jacob Zuma with Riah Phiyega (the newly appointed national commissioner of police) say we should not point fingers. The trade unions are designed to subsume the workers into tools of capital, to be willingly exploited with their own consent and to have token power or make belief in the process of decision making. Their only strength is the numbers which they sometimes use for 'tools down' and 'legal strikes'. Their power to bargain is directly removed from them through a representation by the leadership of trade unions who do not value them and care for their needs. It is the same thing as political parties and parliament. Leaders in trade unions and in political parties represent themselves. No, they represent big business. If you listened to the spokespersons of the National Union of Mineworkers in the build up to the Marikana butchery of workers and in the current aftermath you could swear that you were having a terrible nightmare. It is shockingly very real. What should happen is that the power of decision-making in the labour unions should rest with the shop steward council. These are true representatives of workers - on the shop floor, in the coal face, with proximity to their constituencies. Officials in their comfortable and cozy offices are only interested in the compound subscriptions so as to earn from them super salaries and, in conflict of interest, to misdirect and misinform workers in the long term. At the last NUM conference in June its president Zukwana focused on and proposed that men should march naked on the Goodman gallery. How does that help the Lonmin mineworkers who have had this burning issue all along? Labour union leadership should consciously take the stand point of workers in living style and in political outlook. By the bye, the NUM was established after an initiative of Africanists who worked with CUSA, then led by Piroshaw Camay in the early eighties. Cyril with his Black Consciousness background was a legal consultant briefed to draft the union constitution and initially represent the workers. It was a practical decision to have him become the first Secretary General. The PAC was weak in Europe where union support emanated, and the PAC labour secretariat did not have an extended network of union contacts to support this big project. Cyril's love of power and money got a better hold on him and he 'crosstituted' with NUM to the Charterists. It is more or less the same thing with NACTU affiliates. This is the union aristocracy Nkrumah talks about. It is a fiefdom - personal empire building. Look at the profiles of SGs in SACWU, BCAWU, etc. Even our Black Consciousness partners unashamedly supped with management or government - Skosana, Cindi, Nevholobodwe, etc. It is very difficult to distinguish between Frans Paleni, SG of NUM, and the CEO of Lonmin. I hold the opinion that our inconsistency and self-doubt, and the lack of rigorous ideological debates, particularly in the past 27 years, have broken down the relationship we have always had with the Azanian masses. We in the PAC are the custodians of the aspirations of the fighting forces in the Rustenburg communities and in the shanties around the mines. There is no other organisation that is designed to articulate and champion the interests of African masses such as the PAC. When the mineworkers of Lonmin broke ranks with NUM their first port of call was the PAC. What does that tell you? The NUM leadership and the government security apparatus decided to kill out of fear rather than reason. They will then buy time and make up excuses in the commission that Zuma is calling for. Rural folk invariably resort to traditional rituals when faced with insurmountable difficulties. They consult healers and spirit mediums, and they take these rituals seriously. In themselves the rituals are not a crime and they are not dangerous. People sing and dance with long knifes and machetes at weddings. Like everything else, there is a window of opportunity to give a different interpretation of cultural practice to suit political ends. In this case, when its suits the ANC government the mineworkers are said to have been armed and dangerous. I'd admit that some culture vultures use their positions for personal benefit at the expense of innocent people. There are charlatans who could be doing opportunistic trade and taking advantage of the situation. However it does not warrant a massacre. The SADF used the Kwa Zulu rural folk in similar conditions to fan the fires of a low intensity warfare. We in the PAC could not then (and cannot now) make a serious intervention politically. We are inconsistent in our interpretations of events and in our practice; we have self-doubt in the responsibility to work with and lead the masses; and we tend to become childish, sycophants and one dimensional instead of holding serious debates internally that will end in a clear line of march. I was in the PAC leadership structures when the party president unilaterally decided to pay a visit and shake hands with Oupa Gcozo, Ciskei military/political head, after defenceless protesters were butchered. Mandela had said in 1990 that Oupa Gcozo was a hero when he staged a coup in the bantustan. The Chaarterists were reversing their association with Gcozo when the Bisho match was poorly organized, and led to the killing of about 10 people. The PAC leadership on the other hand was out of sync with the people - hence the Judas visit. This was a monumental political blunder and lack of discipline from the number one office of the Party. He went to congratulate the killers of African people. Leaders must learn to consult widely within the organisation; they must hold true to the strategic objectives of the party; they must have broad shoulders and accept constructive criticism by their members; and, they must be willing to sacrifice their own selfish interests, and become practical and symbolic representatives of the collective leadership. In this instance, the man had committed sacrilege. His sycophant supporters saw nothing wrong. My gripe is that we in the new millenium have not discussed and reviewed these errors of the PAC because we there is a reactionary tendency to nurse the feelings of powerful selfish individuals. We are then prone to do the same mistakes. Phiyega says she 'is not sorry' about the death of 44 mineworkers in Marikana. What is difference with Jimmy Kruger's 'dit laat my koud' after the murder of Steve Biko? Zuma appointed her on the basis of a nice cv and her nearness to the government programmes. The SAPS has strong pockets of organisational cultures internally, and in most cases the professional police are overlooked when senior appointments are made. It is doubtful she would make any difference since she as an outsider will only be a lame-duck national commissioner. The acting national commissioner before her appointment was overlooked after he'd raised the unprofessional conduct and scandals of the head of crime intelligence in cahoot with the minister of police. There are only ten water cannon trucks for crown control in the SAPS nationwide and only one was used in Marikana. There is evidence of only one pistol taken from a dead policeman a week earlier. The contingent of 450 police(men) invaded the mountain of striking workers - not otherwise. I ask you to close your eyes and picture in your mind the marauding colonial army shooting at African formations of resistance, and please tell me the differences with the butchery of Marikana. The former you can imagine - the latter you have the advantage of real footage of the incident. Jaki _____ Date: Tue, 21 Aug 2012 08:51:22 +0200 Subject: Re: [PAYCO] Emailing: 6 MAY RUSTENBURG REVIEW FINAL EDIT.pdf From: [email protected] To: [email protected] Comrade Xundu There Lonmin occurance is not new in the past twenty four months mainly in Rustenburg area mineworkers had been resigning from NUM en masse to other trade union. Similar occurance happened in Welkom Harmony Gold and some of the Angol Gold mines. At all occurances NUM has always been and enjoyed support and consent of Mine management, Municipal and SAPS has always acted on the basis of political instructions against mineworkers, example is Kroondale Murray and Robert mineworkers leaders had been imprisoned. Certainly, NUM as a workers formation is under direct control of a deep rooted labour aristocracy who's interests is protection is of the deracialised capitalist mode of production managed by the neocolonial ANC Government and state including parliament. At the roots of the matter is the political potential and rising conscioussness among mineworkers to expose and act contrary to the dominant class interests. About NACTU, we should not be deceived that NACTU is pro-PAC, NACTU leadesrhip has maintained a constitent position that NACTU is political independent thus will not aligned with any political party including PAC. Attempts made to organise and systematically influence and win majority of workers particularly affiliates of NACTU to embrace, support and champion and identify openly with the aims and objectives of the PAC by the efforts made through the reorganisation of PALF were countered by comrades who formed Africanists in Labour. Most NACTU affiliates are known as strike breakers and their apolitical policy position has reduced them to be yellow trade trade union, suffering also from a highly rooted labour aristocracy some owning businesses and Investment Companies without being accountable and transparent to workers thus also perpetuating exploitation of the black African workers. Now, the current task aims at using concrete experiences of workers and trade unions so as to deliberate and provide the political context as to what options should be pursued in light of the rising workers's resentment of and resignation from trade unions. In South Africa, less than 30% of employees are trade union members this implies that there is more than 7million workers not belonging to any trade union with NACTU membership having dropped from an estimated 300 000 members to less than 80 000 membership characterised by very small and insignificant trade unions. Drawing from these research and experiences many hold, some of the daunting questions is from a socialist perspective should we be linked to a specific trade unions or as a revolutionary party we should urge a principled political unity of workers beyond narrow trade union limitations? How do we as a paety develop and strengthen an African proletarian approach and thrust to agitate African workers' class interest and forge a political unity and action of workers for a seizure of state political power? Do trade unions in South Africa forge workers division or unity for or beyond narrow economic interests and without negating workers's immediate demand? The recent developments dictate that we should sharpen and formulate political methods to mobilise and organise african workers based on a socialist programme for siezure of state political power, total liberation and unification of Africa. Mr. Raymond Mashilo Kgagudi Cellphone: 0749226361 Email: [email protected] On 21 Aug 2012 07:08, "tembelani xundu" <[email protected]> wrote: Son of the Soil I assume you are better placed to analyse and even speculate what may the cause behind butchering of workers at Marikana. I do not believe for a moment that the equivalent of Special Forces ie the National Intervention Unit can be mobilised to handle crowd control. The very fact that they were mobilised to me indicates that the Minister of Police by extension the government planned to do as they did. But what motivated them, is it to send a statement to those who are busy defining themselves outside COSATU? By the way what is the footprint of our NACTU in the mining and construction industry? Tembelani From: Nkrumah <[email protected]> To: [email protected] Cc: [email protected]; [email protected] Sent: Monday, August 20, 2012 11:01 AM Subject: [PAYCO] Emailing: 6 MAY RUSTENBURG REVIEW FINAL EDIT.pdf Greetings comrades Find attached research about the state of mineworkers in Rustenburg Area. 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