Hi Chris,

Have you considered that it might in fact be very difficult for the
directors of large companies to tell the truth, in view of the multifaceted
nature of the reality they are responsible for, and the social
contradictions of an economy based on private enterprise ? As regards the
former, to tell the total story might fill a book, which you do not have
time for; as regards the latter, private enterprise business secrets and the
consequences of everything you say and do, require a diplomatic approach.

I am not trying to apologise for people who lie here, in fact as you know I
rejected the official justifications for war with Iraq as a hoax, a fraud, I
am just noting that there might be an objective basis for not being able to
tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

When I worked at university and as research statistician in the survey
design area, I realised very clearly that when you have a complex array of
data, and you have to tell a true story about that, then you could tell
quite a number of stories about it, all valid, but it would be difficult to
tell a story which was "the whole truth". Indeed, it could be very difficult
to devise a questionnaire question which was interpreted in the same way by
all respondents and left no room for various interpretations.

When I was a high school student I first considered this question, and I
realised from a book I read about it that "telling the truth" wasn't
sufficient on its own, it had to be coupled to honesty, and later I realised
that a few additional virtues were required as well. When you are young, you
think that something is either true or it is false, but as you grow older
you realise better that some things that are said are "sort of true" or
"sort of false" and more investigation has to reveal what exactly we are
dealing with. In part, this is purely a result of the ambiguity of language
itself, in which case we are forced to link what somebody says to what
somebody actually does, to get a better picture. But even then there are
different truth criteria and interpretations possible.

I am making these points because a condition of the Popperian "open society"
is in fact the ability of people to live a truthful and honest life, and
part of my critique of bourgeois society (and more generally class society)
is that it is not in fact possible to do this, even if people strive for it,
and may approximate it. Ultimately the ability for truthfulness among people
is not a question of personal style, but a question of the structure of
social relations within which they live. I believe it was Leon Trotsky who
remarked that "lying is a result of social contradictions", and that if the
social contradictions intensified, then lying would intensify as well. As
long as you have a "winners and losers" class society, as long as you have
profound social inequalities, you have these social contradictions, and
consequently also lying. Lying as a social practice has been little studied
by anthropologists, but at the root of it is of course a conflict of
interests, and the critical factor here is the intensity of these conflicts.
For example, there is an enormous difference between "little girl lies" as a
song by the band Blondie is titled, and lies which function to justify a war
that kills masses of people.

I imagine that one of the themes in British society these days is that of
"virtuous capitalism" (not to be confused with virtual capitalism, which is
a different apology), in other words, how do we get people in the
competitive world out there to behave virtuously. This relates to a point
which I have numerous times, which is that markets do not spontaneously
generate any particular moral conduct or promote morality as such. This is
hotly disputed by the neo-liberals, who argue that for example if you wish
to participate in this or that market, then you must adhere to a certain
moral code, i.e. buyer and seller must be able to rely on each other in a
certain way, otherwise you cannot have a successful transaction. And
therefore mutual interests are served, and therefore the market promotes at
least some sort of "morality".

I do not deny that, of course, I am merely saying that even if you are able
to accomplish a reliable transaction, it might still be possible for one or
more parties to the transaction to be ripped off huge, or parties which are
not even involved directly in the transaction to be ripped off huge. In
which case you get people like Fukuyama to talk about the importance of
"trust" and other people talk about "social capital", which consists of that
stock of cultures, virtues etc. external to commercial markets which permit
markets to operate efficiently. The trouble with the language used here
however is, that these external conditions (which according to Marx and
Engels are ultimately supposed to be guaranteed by the bourgeois political
state) are only viewed in market terms, they are described in economic
language, viewed through the prism of market phenomena. There is talk of
human capital, social capital, cultural capital, psychic capital, inputs and
outputs, products, economic climates etc. and this whole language is applied
to areas of life to which they cannot be applied, other than with the
consequence that they distort the real processes that are happening.

Which is really to say that in the development of capitalism, economic
phenomena and structures are created which make it impossible for bourgeois
society to comprehend its own social nature other than in a false or at
least one-sided way, however much the issue is fudged with postmodernist
babble. And ultimately, it is possible to show that this "one-sided way"
corresponds to the class interests of the bourgeois class, which is really
one of Marx's original problematics: whereas the problem of ideology is very
old and precedes even class society (see George Thomson's work on this), in
bourgeois society the problem of ideology is linked to the problem of
commodity fetishism, more generally, the reifications in consciousness which
result more or less spontaneously from the operation of market society.
Certainly, the bourgeoisie aspires to create an open, peaceful, honest
business environment which offers stability, even if it means bombing and
starving a few million people occasionally, but the very structure of its
society creates, let us say, a certain persistent "opacity".

We can of course let loose an enormous amount of sophisticated "complexity"
theories on this problem, so that we can abstract with maximum speed to
arrive at some objective conception of what is really going on, but the real
problem is that the persistent "opacity" and "complexity" derives from the
very structure of society itself, ultimately, from a specific set of private
property relations that have existed on a grand scale for the last few
hundred years or so of human history. And so everything that is solid sooner
or later melts into air again.  Michael Perelman's work on intellectual
property relations is an exceptionally good example of this, of how, given
intellectual private property relations and restriction of access to
information, rather than the sharing of information on the basis of agreed
social goals, solving a simple problem may become an enormous (and
inefficient) intellectual tour de force in which numerous social barriers
and obstacles have to be overcome, as compared to direct allocation of
intellectual resources on the basis of an open society. Bourgeois society
has no open society, only the ideology of an open society, and the more that
access to resources of any kind is restricted by private property relations,
the more the society is shut tight like a nun's knees. And the other side of
the story is that intellectual private property creates a whole new branch
of crime, including thought crimes, as anticipated in a popsong called "the
dream police". Welcome to the Gulag of thought.

The favourite retort of the bourgeois intelligentsia is to say, but would
you not have this problem of opacity in any form of society that is more
complex than a bunch of hunters and gatherers ? And my answer is no, because
you can design a set of social relations and systems which permit maximal
openness in society, if that is indeed your goal instead of babble about the
open society of the George Soros type. One of the reasons why I am a
socialist is precisely because I think you cannot do that within capitalist
class society, because sooner or later you run up against the barriers of
private property and class interests. In which case, there is little I
personally can do, except take better care of my own meagre assets and
follow my own interests, as honestly as possible.

Jurriaan

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