Ted wrote:

> It depends on what's meant by "correctly", doesn't it?
>
> If "financial markets always price assets correctly" means that
> "prices on traded assets, e.g., stocks, bonds, or property, already
> reflect all known information", what's the problem?

I don't think so.

One thing is (informational) *efficiency* and another thing is
*correctness*.  That asset prices incorporate all available
information means that the prices (or, rather, the processing
mechanism that churns out those prices) is efficient.  Whether an
efficient (or efficiently generated) price turns out to be correct or
not is something that can only be established ex post.

This, of course, leads to the key question splitting Keynesians from
Classicals: Do correct asset prices exist independently of the pricing
mechanism itself (financial markets)?  Keynes (GT, 12) argues
compelling that they don't.  I say it doesn't matter.  I'm not moved
by Keynes appeal to convention (the ergodic assumption).

It's a deux ex machina.  Where do conventions come from?  Do they
adjust over time?  If they do, how?  Just to spell out a bit more of
what is on my mind: the Bayesian interpretation of uncertainty is
broad enough to incorporate Keynesian conventions as elements in a
probability space and -- thus -- define fairly operational statistical
procedures to update the Keynesian conventions.

By appealing to convention, Keynes admits that the self-referential
character of social uncertainty (what Soros calls "reflexivity")
doesn't sink people into nihilism and paralysis.  At least not all
people all the time.  For the most part, most people still lead their
lives and make their choices.  In this sense, I'd say, the subjective
interpretation of probability is explicitly Hegelian and Marxian.

Next I will say something that, essentially, I've been telling my
friends since the spring of 1985:

(c) 1985 Julio Huato

At least some of the confusion in the Classical-Keynesian debate comes
from the fact that economists on both sides don't make the sustained
effort that the Greek sophists (and Marx) tried to make to sort out
the layering of "nature" (production of use values, concrete labor,
etc.) and "convention" (production of values, abstract labor, etc.) in
social life.  [The reference to the Greek sophists I owe to Gerald
Cohen's book on Marx's theory of history.]

Of course, in social life, "nature" is always cloaked under social
"convention."  We humanize nature.  The converse is also true: Behind
every social "convention" there's always some force or fact of
"nature," however the latter may appear disfigured in the former and
however the latter may be used to justify the former politically.
E.g. gender oppression vs. genetic sex differences, racial oppression
vs. ethnic differences, surplus value vs. surplus labor, etc.

If the economists didn't have their stereotypical ideological
blinders, they'd notice that the self-corrective feature that the
Classicals attribute to markets (and that Keynesians ardently question
or deem too costly socially to simply behold, since correction =
crisis) is ultimately a particular manifestation of the very mechanism
that snaps back into alignment a legal/political superstructure with
the underlying economic structure, or an economic structure with the
state of the productive force of labor, or social life with the
evolution of nature, etc.

Society's self-corrective mechanism seems to have worked in a
sufficient number of historical cases to lead us where we are at now.
Yes, with terribly long delays and at huge human costs.  It's the
mechanism of crises, social struggles, and social revolutions.  A
mechanism that lies at the very center of that social activity we call
production, driven by that purposeful human process we call labor.
The history of the last two centuries, the history of modern
capitalism and of its socialist challenge, is the history of the
acceleration of this self-corrective mechanism.  It's now much faster
and effective, which also means that it's much more destructive and
dangerous.

That's why I'm optimistic.  That the speed of the social
self-corrective mechanism tends to increase over time simply means
that people tend to become more human, less able or willing to accept
the status quo, less able and willing to take shit.  Partly, this
mechanism will continue to play out through markets, because the
historical life cycle of markets is far from having ended yet, in
spite of the current crisis.

But the most important lesson in all this is that we should do our
part to make that mechanism work even better, so that we bring about
the necessary realignments sooner rather than later.
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