I've don't have the cit, but actually, I think Clinton proposed them circa
1999 as a parallel supplement to Social Security.

Joel Blau

Original Message:
-----------------
From: Louis Proyect [email protected]
Date: Wed, 25 Feb 2009 11:05:34 -0500
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [Pen-l] Obama going after full privatization of Social Security


Gar Lipow wrote:
> On Wed, Feb 25, 2009 at 5:57 AM, Max Sawicky <[email protected]> wrote:
>> I should add that another term for a tax-free universal savings
>> account is . . . a consumption tax.  Making IRAs completely free of
>> restrictions on how much can be deposited and when withdrawals can
>> take place converts the individual income tax into a consumption tax.
>>
>>
> Does "universal" mean "completely free of restrictions".   I assumed
> it meant "for everyone" which would require some sort of subsidy. And
> in the context of "Fixing" social security (and the assumption that
> social security needs "fixing" is there" ) raiding social security
> seems the obvious place to get that funding.

It should be understood that George W. Bush was the first president to 
propose tax-free retirement savings accounts. When he raised this, it 
was clearly understood as an intermediate step in getting rid of social 
security. Here's a top DP operative attacking Bush, but as one might 
expect there's no problem with Obama proposing the same thing.

http://www.cfr.org/publication/6837/bush_retirement_savings_plans_amount_to_
fiscal_gimmickry.html

Bush Retirement Savings Plans Amount to Fiscal Gimmickry
        
Gene B. Sperling, Senior Fellow for Economic Policy and Director of the 
Center for Universal Education

February 1, 2004
Los Angeles Times

In the years ahead, the United States faces a serious retirement savings 
crisis, and the Bush administration's plan to deal with this problem 
will make it worse instead of better.

Currently, only about 5% of people contribute the maximum amount 
allowable to IRAs and 401(k)s. The other 95% either can't afford to put 
away that much or have no retirement savings at all. Among households of 
those 55 to 59 years old, the median amount held in IRAs and 401(k)s is 
only $10,400, and in 2001, 92% of the working poor and 77% of 
small-business employees lacked any employer-sponsored pension.

Rather than helping these modest-income Americans save for their 
retirement, our current system of relying only on tax deductibility to 
encourage savings exacerbates the problem by giving all the incentives 
to upper-income taxpayers. If you are in the 35% tax bracket, you 
receive 35 cents for every dollar you save; if you are in the 15% 
bracket you only get 15 cents; and if you are one of the 33 million 
American workers who do not make enough money to owe income tax, you get 
nothing. No wonder only 2% of tax expenditures for retirement savings go 
to the bottom 40% of taxpayers.

The system is ripe for reform, but President Bush's main retirement 
savings proposals — retirement savings accounts, or RSAs, and lifetime 
savings accounts, or LSAs — which are expected to be re-released on 
Monday in his 2005 budget request to Congress, offer nothing to help the 
95% who cannot afford to take full advantage of existing incentives.

If unchanged from last year's proposal, the new accounts would remove 
existing income caps on tax-deferred IRA saving — which by definition 
would help only the currently excluded households that make more than 
$160,000 a year. In addition, they would raise the contribution limits 
to allow a family of four in which the parents are currently "maxing 
out" their IRA accounts at $3,000 apiece to now save up to $45,000 
tax-deferred a year, if the parents put $7,500 apiece into RSAs and 
$7,500 in LSAs for themselves and their children. As policies to address 
our distressingly low rate of private savings, RSAs and LSAs represent 
backward thinking. Studies have shown that offering high-income savers 
new incentives to save causes them to simply shift their existing 
savings to capture the tax windfall, rather than actually save more. 
When the Congressional Budget Office analyzed Bush's proposals last 
March, it found that "most taxpayers would simply save the same amount 
in one of the new accounts as they would have saved in one of their 
current tax-free accounts." On the other hand, the proposals would have 
a dramatic, though deceptively negative, impact on overall national 
savings by increasing the long-term deficit.

Because the LSAs and RSAs require contributions of after-tax income, 
they essentially encourage people to pay taxes now that our budget 
forecasts are counting on them pay to later. This massive fiscal gimmick 
boils down to robbing the revenue from our future. Brookings Institution 
economist Peter Orszag estimates that by 2028, the fiscal deficit 
created by LSAs and RSAs would be half as large as our already gaping 
Social Security deficit.

There are ways that we could address our nation's savings challenge. A 
good start would be to offer a new progressive universal 401(k) account 
to all Americans. With such an account, the government could provide the 
same matching contributions that 401(k)s in the private sector receive, 
through refundable tax credits on a taxpayer's first $1,000 of savings, 
and an extra 2-1 match for the poorest families.

If the notion of the government providing a matching contribution for 
savings seems radical, remember it is exactly what every member of 
Congress and the administration are offered right now.Don't hold your 
breath for such a proposal from the Bush administration. The new RSAs 
and LSAs are clearly part of a larger Bush agenda to tax only the work 
that Americans do and not the wealth of the wealthiest among us.

Imagine what our world would look like if the administration was 
successful in achieving zero taxes on dividends, zero taxes on even the 
richest estates and near zero taxes on capital gains, along with this 
new opportunity for the fortunate family of four to put away up to 
$45,000 a year and never pay taxes on the earnings. We would be living 
in a world where a precious few amass larger sums of tax-free passive 
wealth, while we shift more of the tax burden onto the hard work of 
families who themselves receive little assistance or incentive to save 
for their future.

Gene Sperling is director of economic programs for the Center for 
American Progress and was national economic advisor to President Clinton 
from 1996 to 2000.

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