Hans Ehrbar asked (26mar09): [quote] Can one also argue that CGE models are 
being misused ? Is it possible to use them in the right way? [end quote]

COMMENT:
I have an interest in forecasting and simulation but no specific expertise in 
CGE models (Computable General Equilibrium Models). My answer to the two 
questions raised by Hans Ehrbar tends to be a double affirmative: CGE models 
can be misused and they can be used in the right way. That is parallel to the 
old thing with statistics - yes, statistics can be misused and statistics can 
be used the right way. Therefore, CGE models (like statistics) can (and should) 
always be subjected to ideology critique.

I read the example of a CGE model mentioned by Hans, namely:


http://www.beaconhill.org/BHIStudies/WCI-2009/WCIReportFinal090323.pdfThat 
report of a CGE modeling exercise concludes that jobs will be lost by the year 
2020 due to cap and trade. The report has very much a flavour of propaganda for 
the energy and transportation industries.
One possible line of attack is a general one - namely, critiquing CGE models in 
general, for example, questioning the forecasting capability of such models (as 
does Dorman in the blog mentioned by Ehrbar). That can be done, just like one 
can criticize statistics in general; but that does not bring much in a specific 
practical case. In this case, you want to win a public debate about cap and 
trade. In the context of such a debate it would be very effective to (a) expose 
all the biases and limitations of the presented model and its results, and 
(b)develop a counter-model. (Just like in another situation where you reject 
somebody's statistics, you would expose the flaws in the given statistics and 
present counter statistics.)
Here are some critical comments on the above-mentioned Beaconhill study:(a) The 
report does not reveal all the assumptions used in the modeling exercise. For a 
full critique, one requires a more comprehensive report.(b) The report treats 
cap and trade as a taxation problem and nothing but, i.e., the effect of cap 
and trade on the energy and transportation industries is seen as an additional 
tax on those industries. That tax will destroy (X) number of jobs in those 
industries. The government collects (Y) number of dollars as additional revenue 
and can hire (Z) number of additional public servants for that money. The 
number (X) of private sector jobs destroyed will be greater than the number (Z) 
of public sector jobs created (they say). What are their assumptions about 
public sector jobs created? Did they consider that the government could use 
those additional revenues for supporting alternative green industries? Do they 
simply plug the average wage of all public servants into their model in order 
to estimate the number of public sector jobs expected?(c) Other detailed 
critical questions can be raised about this particular study, including 
questions regarding their assumptions about petroleum prices and their 
development; technological response within businesses to a cap and trade 
regime; and others.(d) A counter-model would be nice to have. Change some of 
their assumptions, plug in some other variables of interest, insert some other 
logical connections (algorithms, formulae, etc.)- and voila - you _ prove _ the 
opposite of their conclusion. From a scientific point of view, such an exercise 
may not be of much interest, but it would a valuable tool in public debate.Some 
thirty years ago, Herrera et al. did a magnificent job of developing a complex 
leftist model in the context of the limits-to-growth debate (the so-called 
Bariloche model).
Gernot




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