http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704187204575101820058883004.html

OPINION

MARCH 4, 2010, 7:13 P.M. ET.

Turkey's Republic of Fear

The Islamist government continues its assault on the military and the
press..ArticleComments

By SONER CAGAPTAY Last week's arrests in Turkey of dozens of
high-ranking military officers mark the country's latest step toward
authoritarianism. Neither Europe nor the United States can afford to
ignore Turkey's transformation.

Since coming to power in 2002, the ruling Islamist Justice and
Development Party (AKP) and ultra-conservative Fethullah Gulen
Movement have gained significant leverage over the police and media.
Emulating Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, the AKP has made
selective use of the legal code to effectively silence the country's
two largest independent media groups.

Dogan, which owns about half of the media outlets in the country,
faces a record $3.5 billion fine on delayed tax payments. Liberal
media mogul Mehmet Emin Karamehmet has been sentenced to 12 years in
jail on charges related to dealings at his bank for which he was
earlier acquitted. Editors now think twice before running stories
critical of the government.

Until recently, the judiciary and the military were able to keep
government excesses in check. That apparent equilibrium between
Islamists and secularists was shattered a few weeks ago, when Gulenist
papers published a 5,000-page memo allegedly written by military
officers planning a coup.

U.S. diplomats I have talked to and Turkish analysts say that if the
military really had planned to overthrow the government, it would have
hardly written it down in a detailed 5,000 page document. The idea
that the military would bomb Istanbul's historic mosques and shoot
down its own planes to precipitate such a coup—as the alleged memo
describes—is simply outlandish. The military denies any plans for
toppling the government and says much of the document is actually
taken from a 2003 war game exercise. It says that the incriminating
elements detailing the alleged coup were added to the document.

For the past two years, the Turkish military has been the target of
illegal wiretaps and accusations that it is plotting against the
government. The question is whether the military will tolerate the
assault or strike back, as it has done in the past when it thought the
secular nature of the state was threatened.

The Islamist government has also targeted Turkey's other secular
bastion—the judiciary. Last month, a Gulenist prosecutor arrested a
secular prosecutor in Erzincan. He was officially charged with
belonging to an ultranationalist gang known as Ergenekon, which the
Gulenists and AKP claim is trying to overthrow the government. Whether
that's true or not, there is no doubt the arrest solved a lot of
problems for the government. Before his arrest, the Erzincan
prosecutor was investigating alleged connections between Gulenist fund
raising and Chechen and Hamas terrorists. He was also looking into the
armed activities of Ismailaga, a radical Islamist movement.

The Gulenists and the AKP are further targeting the courts by
appointing a disproportionate number of Gulenist jurists, thus eroding
the secular nature of the judiciary. And the courts seem to have been
wiretapped as well. According to media reports, the police have bugged
over 130 top judges and prosecutors, as well as the high court of
appeals. This is not that hard to believe, given that the justice
minister admitted in 2009 that the police have wiretapped 70,000
people.

What is the way forward for Turkey? A military coup isn't the answer
and a court ban against the AKP would likely backfire, boosting the
party's popularity. The next general elections are scheduled for 2011,
but by that time the cards might be stacked too much in favor of the
governing parties. That's why the West should press for elections that
are free and democratic. The next elections won't be fair if the
Turkish media are not independent and if Turks fear that they live in
a police state that wiretaps its judiciary and citizens.

Hoping to win Ankara's support for tougher Iran sanctions and more
troops in Afghanistan, the U.S. and Europe have so far been hesitant
to criticize the AKP-led government. The "pragmatists" fail to realize
that an illiberal and Islamist Turkey will be increasingly opposed to
Western policies.

Mr. Cagaptay is a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near
East Policy and the author of "Islam, Secularism and Nationalism in
Modern Turkey: Who is a Turk?" (Routledge, 2006).
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