http://www.salon.com/news/budget_showdown/index.html?story=/opinion/greenwald/2011/08/01/debt_ceiling

Budget Showdown
Monday, Aug 1, 2011 06:02 ET
The myth of Obama's "blunders" and "weakness"
By Glenn Greenwald

With the details of the pending debt deal now emerging (and for a 
very good explanation of the key terms, see this post by former 
Biden economic adviser Jared Bernstein), a consensus is 
solidifying that (1) this is a virtually full-scale victory for 
the GOP and defeat for the President (who all along insisted on a 
"balanced" approach that included tax increases), but  (2) the 
President, as usual, was too weak in standing up to right-wing 
intransigence -- or simply had no options given their willingness 
to allow default -- and was thus forced into this deal against his 
will.  This depiction of Obama as occupying a largely powerless, 
toothless office incapable of standing up to Congress -- or, at 
best, that the bad outcome happened because he's just a weak 
negotiator who "blundered" -- is the one that is invariably 
trotted out to explain away most of the bad things he does.

It appears to be true that the President wanted tax revenues to be 
part of this deal.  But it is absolutely false that he did not 
want these brutal budget cuts and was simply forced -- either by 
his own strategic "blunders" or the "weakness" of his office -- 
into accepting them.  The evidence is overwhelming that Obama has 
long wanted exactly what he got: these severe domestic budget cuts 
and even ones well beyond these, including Social Security and 
Medicare, which he is likely to get with the Super-Committee 
created by this bill (as Robert Reich described the bill:  "No tax 
increases on rich yet almost certain cuts in Med[icare] and Social 
Security . . . . Ds can no longer campaign on R's desire to 
Medicare and Soc Security, now that O has agreed it").

Last night, John Cole -- along with several others -- promoted 
this weak-helpless-President narrative by asking what Obama could 
possibly have done to secure a better outcome.  Early this 
morning, I answered him by email, but as I see that this is the 
claim being pervasively used to explain Obama's acceptance of this 
deal -- he was forced into it by the Tea Party hostage-takers -- 
I'm reprinting that email I wrote here.  For those who believe 
this narrative, please confront the evidence there; how anyone can 
claim in the face of all that evidence that the President was 
"forced" into making these cuts -- as opposed to having eagerly 
sought them -- is mystifying indeed.  And, as I set forth there, 
there were ample steps he could have taken had he actually wanted 
leverage against the GOP; the very idea that negotiating steps so 
obvious to every progressive pundit somehow eluded the President 
and his vast army of advisers is absurd on its face.

Here's The New Republic's Jonathan Cohn -- who, as he says, with 
some understatement, is usually "among [Obama's] staunchest 
defenders in situations like these" -- on what these guaranteed 
cuts mean (never mind the future cuts likely to come from the 
Super Committee):

     As Robert Greenstein, of the Center on Budget and Policy 
Priorities, pointed out in a recent statement about a different 
proposal, there’s just no way to enact spending reductions of this 
magnitude without imposing a lot of pain. And contrary to the 
common understanding in the Washington cocktail party circuit, 
“pain” does not simply mean offending certain political 
sensibilities. Pain means more people eating tainted food, more 
people breathing polluted air, more people pulling their kids out 
of college, and more people losing their homes -- in other words, 
the hardships people suffer when government can't do an adequate 
job of looking out for their interests.

As I wrote back in April when progressive pundits in D.C. were so 
deeply baffled by Obama's supposed "tactical mistake" in not 
insisting on a clean debt ceiling increase, Obama's so-called "bad 
negotiating" or "weakness" is actually "shrewd negotiation" 
because he's getting what he actually wants (which, shockingly, is 
not always the same as what he publicly says he wants).  In this 
case, what he wants -- and has long wanted, as he's said 
repeatedly in public -- are drastic spending cuts.  In other 
words, he's willing -- eager -- to impose the "pain" Cohn 
describes on those who can least afford to bear it so that he can 
run for re-election as a compromise-brokering, trans-partisan 
deficit cutter willing to "take considerable heat from his own 
party."
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