Irfan Habib is likely to shed a lot of light on these historical
preconditions.

Anthony

On Thu, Aug 4, 2011 at 3:00 PM, Louis Proyect <[email protected]> wrote:

> (This article appears in a neoconservative magazine. It is an
> answer to the new book by Duke University economist Timur Kuran, a
> Turk, who claims that Islam retarded the growth of capitalism. My
> interest in the topic stems from my research into the "transition"
> debate that involved Sweezy vs. Dobb, Brenner vs. Sweezy, Blaut
> vs. Brenner, etc. I am planning to read Maxime Rodinson's "Islam
> and Capitalism" the first chance I get to answer Kuran, but will
> be sure to take a look at some of the references in this article
> that implicitly make the case against Kuran. I also have plans to
> read up on the supposedly "feudal" nature of Indian society at the
> time of the British colonial onslaught in the light of the
> "Asiatic Mode of Production" theory. In terms of Kuran's
> arguments, even before I have had a chance to read his book, the
> notion of Islam holding back capitalist transformation seems
> particularly dubious in light of the Anatolian tigers of the
> textile industry that constitute the base of the AKP in Turkey.)
>
> http://www.city-journal.org/2011/21_3_muslim-economy.html
>
> Is Islam Compatible with Capitalism?
> The Middle East’s future depends on the answer.
>
> by Guy Sorman
>
> The moment you arrive at the airport in Cairo, you discover how
> little Egypt—the heart of Arab civilization—is governed by the
> rule of law. You line up to show your passport to the customs
> officer; you wait and wait and wait. Eventually, you reach the
> officer . . . who sends you to the opposite end of the airport to
> buy an entry visa. The visa costs 15 U.S. dollars; if you hand the
> clerk $20, though, don’t expect any change, let alone a receipt.
> Then you make the long hike back to the customs line, where you
> notice that some Egyptians—important ones, apparently—have helpers
> who hustle them through. Others cut to the front. It’s an annoying
> and disturbing welcome to a chaotic land, one that has grown only
> more chaotic since the January revolution. It’s also instructive,
> effectively demonstrating why it’s hard to do business in this
> country or in other Arab Muslim lands, where personal status so
> often trumps fair, universally applied rules. Such personalization
> of the law is incompatible with a truly free-market or modern
> society and helps explain why the Arab world’s per-capita income
> is one-tenth America’s or Europe’s.
>
> The airport experience, had he been able to undergo it, would have
> been drearily familiar to Rifaa al-Tahtawi, a brilliant young imam
> sent to France in 1829 by the pasha of Egypt. His mission: figure
> out how Napoleon’s military had so easily crushed Egypt three
> decades earlier, a defeat that revealed to a shocked Arab world
> that it was now an economic, military, and scientific laggard. At
> the outset of the book that he wrote about his journey, The Gold
> of Paris, Rifaa describes a Marseille café: “How astonished I was
> that in Marseille, a waiter came to me and asked for my order
> without my looking for him.” Then the coffee arrives without
> delay. Finally—most amazing of all—Rifaa gets the bill for it, and
> the price is the same as the one listed on the menu: “No
> haggling,” he enthuses. Rifaa concludes: “I look for the day when
> the Cairo cafés will follow the same predictable rules as the
> Marseille cafés.” But nearly two centuries later, the only
> Egyptian cafés that live up to Rifaa’s hopes are the imported
> Starbucks.
>
> Egypt is, of course, a Muslim nation. Should Islam be indicted for
> what was in Rifaa’s time, and remains today, a dysfunctional
> economy? The question becomes all the more important if you extend
> it to the rest of the Arab Middle East as it is swept by popular
> revolts against authoritarian rule. Will the nations that emerge
> from the Arab Spring embrace the rule of law and other crucial
> institutions that have allowed capitalism to flourish in the West?
> Or are Islam and economic progress fundamentally at odds?
>
> Muslim economies haven’t always been low achievers. In his seminal
> work The World Economy, economist Angus Maddison showed that until
> the twelfth century, per-capita income was much higher in the
> Muslim Middle East than in Europe. Beginning in the twelfth
> century, though, what Duke University economist Timur Kuran calls
> the Long Divergence began, upending this economic hierarchy, so
> that by Rifaa’s time, Europe had grown far more powerful and
> prosperous than the Arab Muslim world.
>
> A key factor in the divergence was Italian city-states’ invention
> of capitalism—a development that rested on certain cultural
> prerequisites, Stanford University’s Avner Greif observes. In the
> early twelfth century, two groups of merchants dominated
> Mediterranean sea trade: the European Genoans and the Cairo-based
> Maghrebis, who were Jewish but, coming originally from Baghdad,
> shared the cultural norms of the Arab Middle East. The Genoans
> outpaced the Maghrebis and eventually won the competition, Greif
> argues, because they invented various corporate institutions that
> formed the core of capitalism, including banks, bills of exchange,
> and joint-stock companies, which allowed them to accumulate enough
> capital to launch riskier but more profitable ventures. These
> institutions, in Greif’s account, were an outgrowth of the
> Genoans’ Western culture, in which people were bound not just by
> blood but also by contracts, including the fundamental contract of
> marriage. The Maghrebis’ Arab values, by contrast, meant
> undertaking nothing outside the family and tribe, which limited
> commercial expeditions’ resources and hence their reach. The bonds
> of blood couldn’t compete with fair, reliable institutions (see
> “Economics Does Not Lie,” Summer 2008).
>
> (clip)
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Anthony P. D'Costa
Professor of Indian Studies and Research Director
Asia Research Centre
Copenhagen Business School
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Ph: +45 3815 2572

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