http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/public/article802176.ece
The real lessons of Easter Island
by Roger Atwood

Terry L. Hunt and Carl Lipo
THE STATUES THAT WALKED
Unraveling the mystery of Easter Island
256pp. Free Press. £16.95 (US $26).
978 1 4391 5031 3
Published: 19 October 2011

The enigma of Easter Island was long supposed to have been solved. 
Its Polynesian inhabitants, we were told, felled the island’s 
trees to clear land for their heedlessly growing population and to 
build wooden sleds with which to carry their stone statues, the 
moai, to ceremonial platforms. Soon there were no trees with which 
to make canoes to travel back to the islands from whence they 
came. Trapped in a prison of their own making, they fell into a 
cataclysm of dwindling resources, war and cannibalism. They died 
through their own wretched excess. People everywhere, take note.

This narrative was, in retrospect, ripe for the skewering. The 
problem was not that it mechanically blamed all the island’s 
misfortunes on its original inhabitants. As Terry Hunt, an 
anthropologist, and Carl Lipo, an archaeologist, assert in this 
fascinating book, the “ecocide” story was based on a misreading of 
historical sources and field archaeological evidence and, more 
perniciously, early Western assumptions about the island that 
crept into the record and remained unchallenged through decades of 
scholarship. They spend a lot of ink trying to debunk Jared 
Diamond’s bestseller Collapse (2005) and other purveyors of the 
ecocide theory. In its place, they offer not only a radically new 
perspective on the island’s history, but a critical study on how 
the West interacts with isolated societies and how bias continues 
to infect outsiders’ understanding of them.

Easter Island, or Rapa Nui in its native language, rises from the 
South Pacific about 2,000 miles west of the Chilean mainland. To 
visit, as I did recently, is to arrive at a place with an 
overwhelming sense of isolation and strangeness. Nearly a thousand 
moai cover the island, some as tall as a three-storey building and 
many others left where they fell centuries ago. The moai do not 
look out to sea. Nearly all face into the interior of the island. 
When you look at them, you face the cosmos from which Rapa Nui’s 
seafaring ancestors came, and from where no one else followed 
until the arrival of Europeans in 1722.

There is little debate now on the origin of the first inhabitants 
– they are from Polynesia, probably the Marquesas Islands, and not 
Peru, as the adventurer Thor Heyerdahl posited in the 1960s. The 
date of their arrival is obscure. Hunt and Lipo, on the basis of 
their own excavations and carbon-dating, say humans arrived about 
ad 1200, at least three centuries later than the date supported by 
Diamond and most other writers. Thus the authors start with a more 
compressed timeline for the island’s pre-European settlement, 
buttressing their overarching point that Western trade and disease 
arrived earlier and hit much harder than previously thought.

When they arrived, the voyagers found an island teeming with life. 
Today it is mostly treeless, yet the island was once covered in 
forests of a now-extinct palm that towered 100 feet and was, while 
it lived, possibly the tallest in the world. In some respects, its 
disappearance is the unanswered question from which all other 
questions about Easter Island derive. Diamond and others propose a 
straightforward case of over-exploitation. Island clans strove to 
outdo each other to build bigger and finer moai, cutting more and 
more tree trunks to lug the statues to every corner of the island, 
until there were no trees left.

Hunt and Lipo argue that the trees were killed off mostly by rats, 
which ate their seeds and shoots faster than they could 
regenerate. Humans surely cut down plenty, but fossil palm nuts 
are invariably punctured by rat teeth and could never germinate. 
Diamond also cites the rodent factor. But Hunt and Lipo bring a 
wider range of evidence to the table, including studies from 
Hawaii showing how rats can multiply into the millions in a few 
years and have profound effects on ecosystems.

Next they question the moai argument. There is no evidence, they 
say, that islanders ever transported the statues horizontally, and 
thus that they used timber sleds. The moai, they assert, were 
moved vertically with ropes and muscle, rocked and pivoted like 
refrigerators along roads radiating out from the quarry where they 
were hewn. Those roads can still be seen today, and all along them 
are moai that have plainly fallen and broken into two or more 
pieces on impact. If they were sliding horizontally, it is hard to 
see how this could have happened. Oral traditions speak of the 
statues “walking” upright to their ritual sites.

Far from being the source of Rapa Nui’s downfall, moai 
construction, in the view of Hunt and Lipo, had the effect of 
keeping the population down. Citing studies of other societies in 
extremely resource-challenged environments, such as the Inuit, 
they view the making of moai as a classic “bet-hedging” strategy 
by which people channel the reproductive urge into something else 
– in this case, statues. It may not be a conscious decision, they 
explain, but people in many societies will forgo having children 
in favour of engaging in massive civic projects. To argue that 
they preferred carving to sex is not an easy argument to sustain. 
The authors maintain that the population did indeed stand at a 
manageable 3,000 when the first Europeans arrived, not the 15,000 
or more suggested in previous accounts.

Hunt and Lipo see flabby assumptions everywhere in the traditional 
story of Easter Island. They challenge the thesis that 
statue-erecting shows the island had some kind of central 
authority to organize it all. Variations in moai style from 
village to village suggest independent traditions, they write, and 
anyway dispersed and small-scale societies from Stonehenge to Ohio 
mound-builders have been capable of monumental art. The whole 
notion that culture is a product of surplus resources, or that 
high art can be made only by centralized, “highly evolved” 
societies is bunk, they assert.

Next comes the war that supposedly followed the islanders’ 
depletion of natural resources. The island shows none of the 
hilltop fortifications or defensive earthworks seen elsewhere in 
Polynesia, Hunt and Lipo note, and the “trench” on the island’s 
eastern side that tour guides explain was dug by one faction to 
bury the other alive is a natural formation caused by the 
confluence of two lava streams.

Collapse followed the introduction of European disease, the 
authors argue. The Dutch explorer Jacob Roggeveen arrived on 
Easter Sunday, 1722, and described well-tended gardens, hundreds 
of standing statues, and, in his words, “whole tracts of woodland” 
– remnants of the native forest. He stayed a few hours, just long 
enough, Hunt and Lipo believe, for his men to introduce venereal 
diseases to the trusting, curious islanders. On this point, Hunt 
and Lipo ironically echo Diamond’s own Guns, Germs, and Steel 
(1997), which dramatically showed the power of exotic disease to 
transform societies. It is also the most speculative part of their 
argument. As Diamond, Charles Mann and others have shown, we have 
ample evidence for the implosion of aboriginal populations in the 
Americas in eyewitness accounts of abandoned towns, colonial death 
records and mass graves. Hunt and Lipo have none of this, at least 
not for the forty-eight years that followed Roggeveen’s visit. 
They say the Dutch visit “likely” caused the population to plunge 
to a few hundred, recovering to 800 or so by the time the next 
Europeans arrived – a Spanish party in 1770. The party stayed six 
days, long enough to land plenty of microbes. Warmly received, the 
Spaniards remarked on the island’s liberal sexual mores and how 
the native men did not object when the women offered the visitors 
their favours.

The next visitor, Captain Cook, arrived in 1774 and found the 
place a wreck. Islanders were living in miserable huts and caves, 
and human bones were lying about. The scene was “precisely what 
the aftermath of epidemic and a population crash would look like”, 
as The Statues that Walked puts it. The Europeans knew nothing yet 
of germ theory and, in any case, never stayed long enough to see 
its effects. More traumas followed. In one of the best chapters, 
the authors explain how the arrival of European goods led to the 
collapse of moai traditions. Islanders continued to venerate the 
moai as late as 1770, yet they were entranced by the jaunty hats, 
jackets, tools and weapons brought by the outsiders, and brazenly 
stole them. With these new symbols of prestige, the old ways lost 
their value and the neglected moai toppled over – not levelled in 
the iconoclastic frenzy that previous authors have posited.

At the quarry, I saw hundreds of half-carved moai, abandoned when 
the cult died. By 1830, only eight statues stood on their original 
platforms. The island became a popular port of call for 
adventurers and whalers from all over Europe and America, 
attracted by its “sweet potatoes, bananas, idols, brackish water 
and sex”. For a time ships’ captains avoided the island because of 
its reputation for syphilis, and by 1868 not a single moai stood. 
Its native worship dead, the island became little more than a brothel.

Curiously, it was not until 1845 that claims of cannibalism 
appeared, in a French account of a sailor who returned to ship 
covered in teeth marks and alleging the islanders tried to eat him 
alive. It was probably a hoax, say Hunt and Lipo, but the cannibal 
label stuck, and was embellished with similarly lurid tales that 
reinforced colonial stereotypes about the heathen past just as 
missionaries were settling in to save souls.

The final, nearly fatal blow arrived in the form of Peruvian 
slave-raiders in 1862, who rounded up over 1,400 islanders and 
shipped them to Peru to dig guano. Many were by then Christian 
converts, and the forcible “blackbirding”, as the practice was 
known, drew international condemnation. It came too late. The few, 
pustuled islanders who straggled home brought a new wave of 
smallpox, and by 1877 the population was down to 110. Centuries of 
folklore and knowledge were lost, and in its place a melodramatic 
pseudo-history of man-eaters and selfinduced catastrophe arose.

Chile annexed the shattered island in 1888 and turned it over to 
sheep ranchers, whose livestock extinguished what little was left 
of the native vegetation. The majestic native palm, still alive as 
late as the 1840s, finally disappeared. Somehow the island’s 
Polynesian language survived, one of the few living connections 
with the past. You hear it today in shops, homes and hip-hop 
bands, muddled with Spanish but unmistakably alive. A hundred or 
so mighty moai have been re-erected on their platforms.

Fresh, revisionist, multidisciplinary – The Statues that Walked 
makes for bracing reading. For those who saw Easter Island as a 
parable of apocalypse, its conclusions will come as something of a 
let-down. It was not civil war that ended Easter Island’s cultural 
golden age, but the inadvertent introduction of European germs. It 
was not human excess that killed its forests, but escaped rats. 
“History is the witness that Rapa Nui suffered near genocide, not 
self-inflicted ‘ecocide’”, the authors write. There are plenty of 
lessons for today’s world in this story, just not the ones we may 
have imagined.

---

http://www.swans.com/library/art16/lproy60.html
The Collapse Of Jared Diamond
by Louis Proyect
Book Review

     Questioning Collapse: Human Resilience, Ecological 
Vulnerability, and the Aftermath of Empire, Edited by Patricia A. 
McAnany and Norman Yoffee, Cambridge University Press, 2010, ISBN 
978-0-521-73366-3, 372 pages.

In general, the approach of the authors is to put the ostensible 
collapse into historical context, something that is utterly 
lacking in Diamond's treatment. One of the more impressive 
record-correcting exercises is Terry L. Hunt and Carl P. Lipo's 
Ecological Catastrophe, Collapse, and the Myth of "Ecocide" on 
Rapa Nui (Easter Island). In Collapse, Diamond judged Easter 
Island as one of the more egregious examples of "ecocide" in human 
history, a product of the folly of the island's rulers whose 
decision to construct huge statues led to deforestation and 
collapse. By chopping down huge palm trees that were used to 
transport the stones used in statue construction, the islanders 
were effectively sealing their doom. Not only did the settlers 
chop down trees, they hunted the native fauna to extinction. The 
net result was a loss of habitat that led to a steep population 
decline.

Diamond was not the first observer to call attention to 
deforestation on Easter Island. In 1786, a French explorer named 
La Pérouse also attributed the loss of habitat to the "imprudence 
of their ancestors for their present unfortunate situation."

Referring to research about Easter Island by scientists equipped 
with the latest technologies, the authors maintain that the 
deforestation had nothing to do with transporting statues. 
Instead, it was an accident of nature related to the arrival of 
rats in the canoes of the earliest settlers. Given the lack of 
native predators, the rats had a field day and consumed the palm 
nuts until the trees were no longer reproducing themselves at a 
sustainable rate. The settlers also chopped down trees to make a 
space for agriculture, but the idea that giant statues had 
anything to do with the island's collapse is as much of a fiction 
as Diamond's New Yorker article.

Unfortunately, Diamond is much more interested in ecocide than 
genocide. If people interested him half as much as palm trees, he 
might have said a word or two about the precipitous decline in 
population that occurred after the island was discovered by 
Europeans in 1722. Indeed, despite deforestation there is evidence 
that the island's population grew between 1250 and 1650, the 
period when deforestation was taking place -- leaving aside the 
question of its cause. As was the case when Europeans arrived in 
the New World, a native population was unable to resist diseases 
such as smallpox and died in massive numbers. Of course, Diamond 
would approach such a disaster with his customary Olympian 
detachment and write it off as an accident of history.
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