Koch 
Foundation to College: We’ll Give You Millions—if You Teach Our Libertarian 
Ideology

It seemed like a generous gift to a university 
that needed it. Then came the demands for ideological purity—and hand-picked 
staff.
  This story was published by The Center for Public Integrity, a nonprofit, 
nonpartisan investigative news 
organization in Washington, D.C.
By Dave Levinthal 

In 2007, when the Charles Koch 
Foundation considered giving 
millions of dollars to Florida State University’s economics department, 
the offer came with strings attached.
First, the curriculum it funded must 
align with the libertarian, deregulatory economic philosophy of Charles Koch, 
the billionaire industrialist and Republican political bankroller.
Second, the Charles Koch Foundation would at least partially 
control which faculty members Florida State University hired.
And third, Bruce Benson, a prominent libertarian economic 
theorist and Florida State University economics department chairman, must stay 
on another three years as department chairman—even though he told his wife he’d 
step down in 2009 after a single three-year term.
The Charles 
Koch Foundation expressed a willingness to give Florida State an extra $105,000 
to keep Benson—a self-described “libertarian anarchist” who asserts that every 
government function he’s studied “can be, has been, or is being produced better 
by the private sector”—in place.
“As we all know, there are no free 
lunches. Everything comes with costs,” Benson at the time wrote to economics 
department colleagues in an internal memorandum. “They want to expose students 
to what they believe are vital concepts about the benefits of the market and 
the 
dangers of government failure, and they want to support and mentor students who 
share their views. Therefore, they are trying to convince us to hire faculty 
who 
will provide that exposure and mentoring.”
Benson concluded, “If we are not 
willing to hire such faculty, they are not willing to fund us.”
Such details are contained in 16 pages of previously unpublished emails and 
memos obtained by the Center for Public Integrity.
Florida State University “willfully 
and knowingly violated the integrity of FSU by accepting funding meant only to 
further Koch’s free-market agenda.”
While the documents are seven years old—and don’t reflect 
the Charles Koch Foundation’s current relationship with Florida State 
University, university officials contend—they offer rare insight into how 
Koch’s 
philanthropic operation prods academics to preach a free-market gospel in 
exchange for cash.
In 2012 alone, private foundations 
controlled by Charles Koch and his brother, David Koch, combined to spread more 
than $12.7 million among 163 colleges and universities, with grants sometimes 
coming with strings attached, the Center for Public Integrity reported in 
March.
Florida State University ranked a 
distant second behind George Mason University of Virginia as a recipient of 
Charles Koch Foundation money. In a tax document filed with the Internal 
Revenue Service, the foundation described its Florida State University funding 
for 2012 as “general support.”
Some schools’ professors and 
students were aghast at the funding, arguing that such financial support wasn’t 
widely known on their campuses and could threaten schools’ academic freedoms 
and 
independence. Others argued that colleges and universities—long bastions of 
liberal academics—would be well served by more libertarian courses of 
study.
Separately, Charles Koch is the 
financial force behind a 
“curriculum hub” for high school teachers and college professors that 
criticizes government and promotes free-market economic principles. He’s also  
funded 
programs for public school students.
At Florida 
State University, Benson noted in a November 2007 memorandum that the Charles 
Koch Foundation would not just “give us money to hire anyone we want and fund 
any graduate student that we choose. There are constraints.”
Benson later added in the memo: “Koch cannot tell a 
university who to hire, but they are going to try to make sure, through 
contractual terms and monitoring, that people hired are [to] be consistent with 
‘donor Intent.’”
A separate email from November 2007 
indicates that Benson asked Charles Koch Foundation officials to review his 
correspondence with Florida State associates about potential Koch funding.
Trice Jacobson, a Charles Koch Foundation representative, 
did not respond to questions, although Benson and Florida State University 
spokesman Dennis Schnittker each confirmed that the emails and documents are 
authentic.
But Benson noted that the documents 
were meant for internal use and reflect the “early stages of discussion” well 
ahead of a 2008 funding agreement signed by the university and the 
foundation.
That agreement, initiated in 2009, 
has earned Florida State $1 million through April, according to the university. 
Until it was revised in 2013, an advisory board would consult with the Charles 
Koch Foundation to select faculty members funded by the foundation’s 
money.
Benson also said that while he 
continued serving as Florida State’s economics department chairman until 2012, 
Charles Koch Foundation money wasn’t a factor.
While the 
foundation initially discussed providing money to help fund Benson’s salary, 
“that idea was taken off the table very early in negotiations,” he said. “I 
continued as chair because I felt I could still make a valuable contribution to 
the department.”
The 2008 agreement between the 
school and the foundation nevertheless faced harsh criticism from some 
professors and students who argued 
it indeed gave the foundation too much power over university hiring 
decisions.
The school and foundation revised 
their agreement in 2013 “for clarity” and to emphasize the “fact that faculty 
hires would be consistent with departmental bylaws and university guidelines,” 
Schnittker said. “Our work with CKF [Charles Koch Foundation] has always upheld 
university standards.”
Those guidelines, spelled out in a 
Florida State University statement 
about the foundation from May, say the money will not compromise “academic 
integrity” or infringe on the “academic freedom of our faculty.”   
Ralph Wilson, a mathematics doctoral 
student and member of FSU Progress Coalition, doesn’t buy it.
Florida State University “willfully and knowingly violated 
the integrity of FSU by accepting funding meant only to further Koch’s 
free-market agenda,” said Wilson, whose student group works to “combat the 
corporatization of higher education.”
The Charles Koch Foundation, 
meanwhile, “is using our universities solely to further their own agenda and 
plunder the very foundations of academic freedom,” Wilson said.
At the end of 2012, the foundation reported having almost 
$265.7 million in assets, according to its most recent 
tax return filed with the Internal Revenue Service. 
In his 2007 memo to colleagues, Benson acknowledged the 
school’s relationship with the foundation would invite blowback.
“I guess I am trying to say that this is not an effort to 
transform the whole department or our curriculum,” Benson wrote. “It is an 
effort to add to the department in order to offer some students some options 
that they may not feel they have now, and to create (or more accurately, 
expand) 
a cluster of faculty with overlapping interests.”
Benson also 
predicted entering into an agreement with the foundation carried some 
risk.
“There clearly is a danger in this, 
of course. For instance, we might be tempted to lower our standards in order to 
hire people they like,” Benson wrote, in advocating that the university not do 
so. “We cannot expect them to be willing to give us free reign to hire anyone 
we 
might want, however, so the question becomes, can we find faculty who meet our 
own standards but who are also acceptable to the funding sources?”
The Koch brothers are best known not for their educational 
efforts but for controlling a constellation of conservative, politically active 
nonprofit corporations.
For example, in this election cycle 
alone, six nonprofits connected to the Kochs have combined to air about 44,000 
television ads 
in U.S. Senate races through late August, with the ads typically promoting 
Republicans or criticizing Democrats. 
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