AR: " I can imagine going to talk to a long displaced steel worker in
Western Pennsylvania whose fretting now about further increase in economic
insecurity around the fracking stuff. And you're going to explain to him or
her that because of slavery they've got to be on the giving end of some
transfer payments that will go to recompense blacks for harms done in the
past."

=======

I've never read or talked to advocates of Reparations, and I have no idea
what kind of mass response the slogan gains. Nor do I know what the broader
politics of those making the demand are. But it is clear to me that Reed's
rhetoric, his choice of perspective, is political nonsense. If the tactic
has only one advocate (Coates), then it's not worth talking about. If it is
an embryonic movement, then focusing on any one advocate is vicious. (I know
nothing of Coates. What is his first name?)

Reed talks in terms of arguments -- but it's not an academic matter, and
mass politics don't revolve around "arguments."  (Miles, myself, others have
been arguing  on this list for 15 years that it is practice not persuasion
that is persuasive. First you get people involved in action and in the
discussing of action, and that creates the context in which "arguments"
become political. (I've been rereading lately some superbly written and
argued posts from Michael Pollak on the question: they are beautiful but
horribly wrong.)   The question about Reparations is only whether or not it
can involve mases in struggle. If it can, then analysis (arguments) become
relevant to give body and thrust.

And that brings us back to that  " long displaced steel worker" Reed
invokes. IF the Reparations Movement gains traction among African American
masses, then that steel worker damn well better, if he knows his own
interests, throw himself into the battle for reparations. (And if
Reparations doesn't gain traction, some other issue as "off-putting will.)
And the choice that steel worker makes will have global importance.

Carrol

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