<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/08/28/AR2005082800730.html>

Measuring the Economy May Not Be as Simple as 1, 2, 3

By Jonathan Weisman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, August 29, 2005; A02

The Census Bureau tomorrow will release the latest statistics on
poverty in the United States, the income level of an average household
and the number of Americans still lacking health insurance.

Don't believe the numbers.

A growing chorus of experts and politicians is raising questions about
the data that frame Americans' understanding of their nation's
well-being. From poverty levels to health insurance, inflation to
personal savings, widely accepted statistics are overstating some
problems and understating others, miscounting people, and sending
policymakers down blind alleys.

"We're getting at best an impressionistic sense of what's going on in
the economy," said Rep. Rahm Emanuel (D-Ill.), who recently introduced
legislation to establish an independent commission aimed at
overhauling government economic statistics. "Major policy decisions
are being made based on data that is inadequate to the task."

This seemingly technical problem has real-world consequences,
allocating federal assistance to some who don't need it while cutting
off others who do, raising the costs of programs like Social Security,
or pushing policies for problems that may not exist.

For example, since poverty levels are not adjusted for regional costs
of living, the working poor in expensive urban centers like Washington
are routinely excluded from federal programs because their income
lifts them above the official poverty line. The rural poor in low-cost
states like Arkansas often can afford considerably higher standards of
living than their urban compatriots. Yet they may be eligible for food
stamps, housing aid, free school lunches and other programs that
exclude the urbanites.

In March, Michelle Billups, 42, began working full time in the dining
hall of the Washington charitable group So Others Might Eat. She earns
$8 an hour to support herself and her 17-year-old daughter Shannon.
This month, Billups was told she is no longer eligible for $225 in
food stamps, a program available for District residents with incomes
up to 130 percent of the federal poverty line. Billups' $16,640 annual
income is $153 higher than that threshold for a family of two.

In a study to be released Thursday, the liberal Economic Policy
Institute estimates that a family like Billups's, with one parent and
one child, requires an annual income of $47,460 to meet its basic
needs in Washington. That family in Fayetteville, Ark., would need
$24,096.

Perhaps no statistic has more critics than the poverty rate, which in
2003 stood at 12.5 percent, the latest Census data available.
University of Chicago economist Robert T. Michael, who chaired a
National Academy of Sciences panel tasked to update poverty statistics
a decade ago, called the current poverty data "truly awful."

"The poverty statistics are absolutely wrong," agreed Rebecca M.
Blank, dean of the University of Michigan's school of public policy,
who served on the panel.

Officially, the poverty rate has drifted upward since 2000, from 11.3
percent to 12.5 percent in 2003. But a more sophisticated measurement
that the Census also publishes, which accounts for variable costs of
living, rising medical expenditures and more accurate price inflation,
shows the official rate has consistently understated poverty. By that
alternative measure, the percentage of Americans below the poverty
line has risen from 12.8 percent in 2000 to 14.2 percent in 2003.
Using such measurements, last year the Democratic staff of the Joint
Economic Committee found poverty rates nearing 16 percent in the late
1980s.

At the same time, household incomes may be understated because they do
not include non-cash income like food stamps. The earned income tax
credit was created during the Reagan administration specifically to
raise the working poor out of poverty. But by government counting, the
program has not lifted a single person above the poverty threshold,
Michael said. Since poverty rates are based on pre-tax income, refunds
like the earned income credit do not count.

Another problem? Double counting. With a $10-an-hour clerical job at
Howard University, Marilyn Bryant, 41, earns too much money to qualify
for any federal assistance, yet is poor enough to live in the Thea
Bowman House, which is heavily subsidized by So Others Might Eat. Her
three-bedroom apartment rents for $349 a month, but her $400 weekly
income is deceptive: A quarter of it is extracted from her paycheck as
child support for her daughter, Natasha Carter, 15, who lives with her
father. The Census Bureau still records Bryant's income as $400 a
week, Michael said, but it also includes $100 of that in Carter's
household income.

"I don't know how I do it," Bryant said. "I really don't."

For more than 20 years, the Census Bureau has been developing
alternative poverty measures, many of which answer these criticisms,
said Charles Nelson, the Census's assistant division chief for income,
poverty and health statistics. But it is up to the White House budget
office to change the official measurement, and successive
administrations have declined to do so.

Scott Milburn, spokesman for President Bush's Office of Management and
Budget, said "a consensus has yet to emerge in the scientific and
policy communities on the critical statistical elements of a new
methodology."

The Census Bureau on Tuesday will also update its count of the
uninsured, and any change from the 2003 figure of 45 million likely
will be slight. But recent studies by the Urban Institute and the
Annandale-based Actuarial Research Corp. concluded the number is
overstated by 4 million to 9 million people, largely because it
includes Americans already enrolled in Medicaid and other federal
health care programs.

Joseph Antos, a health policy analyst at the American Enterprise
Institute, estimates that the true policy problem of the uninsured may
center on about 20 million truly needy individuals. Out of the Census
Bureau's 45 million, nearly 15 million report household incomes of
more than $50,000 and could afford to buy at least catastrophic health
plans. Another 4 million are already eligible for government programs
but have not enrolled. Millions more actually receive
government-funded health coverage.

>From the conservative Heritage Foundation to the more liberal
Brookings Institution, economists agree the government's basic
measurement of consumer price changes is overstating inflation. As a
result, tax collection has been depressed, since tax brackets rise
with inflation. Government spending on programs like Social Security
has been excessive, since such programs enjoy annual cost-of-living
adjustments based on the current consumer price index. And labor
contracts have been distorted by built-in inflation protections.

The Labor Department's standard consumer price index measures the cost
of a basket of goods in urban areas as they rise over time. But since
2000, the department's Bureau of Labor Statistics has also tracked
more realistic spending patterns, allowing for the substitution of
products when prices spike. This "chained" CPI, for example, might
substitute a pound of chicken for a pound of beef one month if steak
prices have shot upward, said David S. Johnson, assistant BLS
commissioner for consumer prices and price index.

Switching to this more sophisticated measurement from now through 2014
would cut $70 billion from Social Security payments while raising
income tax collection by $83 billion, according to Brookings
Institution economists. Yet Congress has made no effort to change the
official inflation measurement, in part because lawmakers have no
desire to slow the growth of either tax bracket increases or Social
Security benefits.

"This is a political decision, and no one wants to make it," said
Fritz Scheuren, president of the American Statistical Association.

More recently, a debate has begun over the nation's savings rate,
which officially hovers just above zero. When Congress returns in
September, the House Ways and Means Committee will try to put together
legislation to raise personal savings through tax credits and other
incentives. But according to David Malpass, chief global economist at
Bear Stearns & Co., the United States is accumulating savings hand
over fist. The country's pool of liquid savings grew by $1.5 trillion
last year, he said, and U.S. households remain the world's largest
creditor, with $37 trillion in financial assets.

The problem, Malpass said, is that the official savings rate measure
does not consider economic gains from patents, innovation, capital
gains or land appreciation.

"We may be throwing billions of dollars at a problem that isn't
there," said Emanuel, who has advocated savings proposals.

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