Obama begins to “lower expectations” for a Democratic White House
By Patrick Martin
1st November 2008

Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama has begun to back away
from his promises of social change, even before balloting concludes on
Election Day next Tuesday. The Democratic Party is favored to win the
White House and increased majorities in both the House of
Representatives and Senate on November 4.

In both interviews and press accounts, the Democrats have sought to
lay the basis for a repudiation of their election promises. The London
Times reported Friday, "Barack Obama's senior advisers have drawn up
plans to lower expectations for his presidency if he wins next week's
election, amid concerns that many of his euphoric supporters are
harboring unrealistic hopes of what he can achieve. The sudden
financial crisis and the prospect of a deep and painful recession have
increased the urgency inside the Obama team to bring people down to
earth."

The candidate himself has taken the lead in expectation-lowering. In a
speech in Sarasota, Florida on Thursday, Obama reiterated a theme he
has begun sounding regularly at campaign appearances. "I won't stand
here and pretend that any of this will be easy—especially now," he
said, citing "the cost of this economic crisis, and the cost of the
war in Iraq" as reasons it would be difficult to carry out promises
like extending health care coverage.

Sounding more like the advocate of austerity policies than of an
expansion of social benefits, he declared, "Washington will have to
tighten its belt and put off spending on things we don't need. As
president, I will go through the federal budget, line-by-line, ending
programs that we don't need and making the ones we do need work better
and cost less."

Asked by a Colorado radio station about his goals for the first
hundred days, he said that issues like health care reform, global
warming and Iraq would take far longer to address: "The first hundred
days is going to be important, but it's probably going to be the first
thousand days that makes the difference."

Obama has been at pains to dismiss claims by the McCain campaign that
he supports a redistribution of the wealth (in its more hysterical
version, that he is a closet socialist), telling ABC News anchorman
Charles Gibson in an interview Wednesday, "The notion that I'm
interested in punishing wealth or success is nonsense."

When Gibson suggested that his calls for taxing the wealthy were "a
kind of classic old-time class warfare," Obama cited his support from
Warren Buffett, the wealthiest American capitalist, saying, "What I'm
talking about here is going back to... the tax rates that existed
under Bill Clinton back in the 1990s for people making more than
$250,000 a year. That's not a punitive rate. We're talking about a
marginal rate going from 36 to 39." He noted that the progressive
income tax was originated by a Republican president, Theodore
Roosevelt, and had nothing to do with economic radicalism.

The same issue was addressed by former president Bill Clinton at a
rally in Florida Thursday. Standing side-by-side with Obama, Clinton
said that under an Obama administration, "there'll be lots of
millionaires and billionaires." Comparing his own record in the 1990s
to Bush's over the past eight years, Clinton continued, "I know we
made more millionaires and billionaires than they did and you just
didn't know it because middle class incomes were rising and everybody
had a good job and that's what Barack Obama will do again."

This is a grotesque distortion of the economic record of the 1990s, in
which the Clinton administration subordinated its policies to the
dictates of the bond market—as Clinton himself once admitted—and
economic inequality grew to levels that surpassed even those
prevailing under his Republican predecessors.

Such open defense of the interests of millionaires and billionaires
explains why the Obama campaign, despite its occasional populist
rhetoric, is receiving increasing support from the spokesmen for big
business. Last week the two leading publications of British finance
capital, the daily Financial Times and the weekly magazine the
Economist, both published editorials urging Americans to elect Obama
president. The Economist editorial cited Obama's value as a symbol and
a public spokesman for the ruling elite, saying the United States must
"resell" itself "to a world that too quickly associates American
capitalism with Lehman Brothers and American justice with Guantánamo
Bay."

Another significant recruit to the Democrat's bandwagon is the defense
industry. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, a
Washington group that tracks campaign contributions, military
contractors have given 34 percent more to Obama than to his Republican
opponent, Senator John McCain.

"There's been a pretty significant shift toward Democrats in the
defense sectors," said a spokesman for the group. This shift has
coincided with Obama's downplaying of his opposition to the war in
Iraq and his repeated calls for stepped-up US military action in
Afghanistan and Pakistan, and more generally for increased military
spending.

Several Democratic congressional leaders, interviewed by the Wall
Street Journal Thursday, disavowed any ambitious legislative agenda
early next year on such major issues as health care. "It's better to
let things evolve than to revolve," House Majority Whip James Clyburn
of South Carolina, a member of the Congressional Black Caucus, told
the Journal. "Revolutions are dangerous."

According to Congressman Mike Ross of Arkansas, leader of the so-
called Blue Dogs, a grouping of nearly 50 fiscally conservative House
Democrats, Obama called him in October to reassure him that an Obama
administration would be committed to congressional pay-as-you-go
rules, which require offsetting any spending increases with matching
spending cuts or tax increases.

The largest group of House Democrats, according to the Journal, want
to restrict the new administration to "a few items with proven
bipartisan support—an economic-stimulus package, an expansion of the
State Children's Health Insurance Program funded with a tobacco-tax
increase, and funding for federal stem-cell research", before any
broader effort on such issues such as health care.

There is no doubt that the American people are following the 2008 US
presidential election campaign more closely than any other in recent
memory. Registration rates are at all-time records—98.3 percent in
recession-ravaged Michigan—and there have been long lines at early-
voting centers in 30 states for the past two weeks. Turnout is
expected to reach or surpass the 72 percent record set in 1960. Some
55 percent of the population watched some or all of Obama's 30-minute
infomercial Wednesday night, broadcast on seven network and cable
channels, a record-breaking number for such a program.

Tens of millions of people will vote for Obama Tuesday in the hope
that the replacement of the Republican administration by a Democratic
one will better their conditions of life or bring an end to the war in
Iraq. But the result of an Obama victory, as Democratic spokesmen have
already begun to make clear, will be to replace one right-wing
capitalist government with another. An Obama administration will take
office in the midst of the greatest crisis of the profit system since
the Great Depression, with a clear mandate from Wall Street to place
the burden of this crisis on working people.

The Socialist Equality Party is running in the 2008 elections to lay
the basis for the construction of an independent mass political party
of the working class, based on a socialist program. This is the only
viable perspective for working people, who face a worldwide economic
crisis, escalating imperialist wars and wholesale attacks on
democratic rights.


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