>
> >--------------------
> >Telling it like it isn't
> >--------------------
> >
> >December 27 2005
> >2005: SUMMARY JUDGMENT
> >
> >Telling it like it isn't
> >By Robert Fisk
> >ROBERT FISK is Middle East correspondent for the London Independent and
>the author, most recently, of "The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest
>of the Middle East," published last month by Knopf.
> >
> >December 27, 2005
> >
> >I FIRST REALIZED the enormous pressures on American journalists in the
>Middle East when I went some years ago to say goodbye to a colleague from
>the Boston Globe. I expressed my sorrow that he was leaving a region where
>he had obviously enjoyed reporting. I could save my sorrows for someone
>else, he said. One of the joys of leaving was that he would no longer have
>to alter the truth to suit his paper's more vociferous readers.
> >
> >"I used to call the Israeli Likud Party 'right wing,' " he said. "But
>recently, my editors have been telling me not to use the phrase. A lot of
>our readers objected." And so now, I asked? "We just don't call it 'right
>wing' anymore."
> >
> >Ouch. I knew at once that these "readers" were viewed at his newspaper as
>Israel's friends, but I also knew that the Likud under Benjamin Netanyahu
>was as right wing as it had ever been.
> >
> >This is only the tip of the semantic iceberg that has crashed into
>American journalism in the Middle East. Illegal Jewish settlements for Jews
>and Jews only on Arab land are clearly "colonies," and we used to call them
>that. I cannot trace the moment when we started using the word
>"settlements." But I can remember the moment around two years ago when the
>word "settlements" was replaced by "Jewish neighborhoods" — or even, in
>some cases, "outposts."
> >
> >Similarly, "occupied" Palestinian land was softened in many American media
>reports into "disputed" Palestinian land — just after then-Secretary of
>State Colin Powell, in 2001, instructed U.S. embassies in the Middle East
>to refer to the West Bank as "disputed" rather than "occupied" territory.
> >
>
> >Then there is the "wall," the massive concrete obstruction whose purpose,
>according to the Israeli authorities, is to prevent Palestinian suicide
>bombers from killing innocent Israelis. In this, it seems to have had some
>success. But it does not follow the line of Israel's 1967 border and cuts
>deeply into Arab land. And all too often these days, journalists call it a
>"fence" rather than a "wall." Or a "security barrier," which is what Israel
>prefers them to say. For some of its length, we are told, it is not a wall
>at all — so we cannot call it a "wall," even though the vast snake of
>concrete and steel that runs east of Jerusalem is higher than the old
>Berlin Wall.
> >
> >The semantic effect of this journalistic obfuscation is clear. If
>Palestinian land is not occupied but merely part of a legal dispute that
>might be resolved in law courts or discussions over tea, then a Palestinian
>child who throws a stone at an Israeli soldier in this territory is clearly
>acting insanely.
> >
> >If a Jewish colony built illegally on Arab land is simply a nice friendly
>"neighborhood," then any Palestinian who attacks it must be carrying out a
>mindless terrorist act.
> >
> >And surely there is no reason to protest a "fence" or a "security barrier"
>— words that conjure up the fence around a garden or the gate arm at the
>entrance to a private housing complex.
> >
> >For Palestinians to object violently to any of these phenomena thus marks
>them as a generically vicious people. By our use of language, we condemn them.
> >
> >We follow these unwritten rules elsewhere in the region. American
>journalists frequently used the words of U.S. officials in the early days
>of the Iraqi insurgency — referring to those who attacked American troops
>as "rebels" or "terrorists" or "remnants" of the former regime. The
>language of the second U.S. pro-consul in Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, was
>taken up obediently — and grotesquely — by American journalists.
> >
> >American television, meanwhile, continues to present war as a bloodless
>sandpit in which the horrors of conflict — the mutilated bodies of the
>victims of aerial bombing, torn apart in the desert by wild dogs — are kept
>off the screen. Editors in New York and London make sure that viewers'
>"sensitivities" don't suffer, that we don't indulge in the "pornography" of
>death (which is exactly what war is) or "dishonor" the dead whom we have
>just killed.
> >
> >Our prudish video coverage makes war easier to support, and journalists
>long ago became complicit with governments in making conflict and death
>more acceptable to viewers. Television journalism has thus become a lethal
>adjunct to war.
> >
> >Back in the old days, we used to believe — did we not? — that journalists
>should "tell it how it is." Read the great journalism of World War II and
>you'll see what I mean. The Ed Murrows and Richard Dimblebys, the Howard K.
>Smiths and Alan Moorheads didn't mince their words or change their
>descriptions or run mealy-mouthed from the truth because listeners or
>readers didn't want to know or preferred a different version.
> >
> >So let's call a colony a colony, let's call occupation what it is, let's
>call a wall a wall. And maybe express the reality of war by showing that it
>represents not, primarily, victory or defeat, but the total failure of the
>human spirit.
> >
>
> >The complete article can be viewed at:
> >http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-fisk27dec27,0,7963154.story
> >
> >Visit latimes.com at http://www.latimes.com
> >



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