The Implications of Growing Indonesian Assertiveness on ASEAN 

Farish A. Noor 

20 September 2009 

In his book ‘Losing an Empire, Finding a Role’ the British Political scientist 
David Sanders poses the interesting question of whether Britain could have 
found a better role for itself in the wake of the Second World War and the 
decolonisation process.

Sanders’ argument runs along the following lines: After the end of the Second 
World War it was obvious to everyone that Britain could no longer maintain its 
grip on its imperial dominions abroad. The independence of India and Pakistan 
marked the beginning of a decolonisation process that eventually denuded the 
British Empire, leaving it with a handful of islands and protectorates 
scattered across the world, but for all intents and purposes the British Empire 
was dead - along with the Empires of France, Spain and Holland. But Britain 
(like France) entertained the longing for its imperial past and longed for a 
global role to play, despite its manifold handicaps and the enormous economic 
burden of post-war reconstruction.

The net result was a Britain that was over-extended and playing the role of 
loyal ally to the United States, a dubious honour which meant that the UK 
shared the blame for all of the US’s mistakes but none of the credit. Sanders 
opines that Britain might have been better served had it opted for a more 
modest role like that of Austria’s, which eventually gave up all pretense of 
being a world power but which later became a force within Europe.

Post-war Britain suffered the fate of those countries with a grand and 
impressive history and which tend to fall back on nostalgia for the past, 
rather than the realities of the present. While tales of lost power and 
grandeur may serve the needs of egoistic politicians, they do not serve as good 
foundations for foreign policy.

Today a similar fate may lie in waiting for Indonesia, which has of late been 
showing more signs of a renewed nationalism and assertiveness in the Southeast 
Asian region of ASEAN. The current spat between Indonesia and Malaysia over the 
question of cultural ‘piracy’ and ‘theft’ is a case in point, with Indonesia 
claiming that Indonesia’s rich and complex culture has been ‘stolen’ by 
neighbouring countries like Malaysia — as well as others 
like Singapore. 

So heated has the debate become that Indonesian nationalists have even 
threatened to go to war against Malaysia, and the streets of Jakarta have been 
taken over by self-proclaimed gangs of ‘patriotic vigilantes’ like the Benteng 
Demokrasi Rakyat (Bendera), Barisan Muda Betawi, Relawan Ganyang Malaysia and 
the Relawan Pembela 
Demokrasi (Repdem).

The sudden emergence of these groups have given analysts cause to suspect that 
Indonesia still retains features of its culture of ‘Preman’ gangsters and 
clandestine militias that dates back to the Suharto era, when pseudo-militia 
units like Ratih (Rakyat Terlatih) and Pamswaraksa were likewise trained, 
funded and instrumentally deployed by senior army officers like generals 
Moerdani and Wiranto, who used such groups in order to harass and eliminate 
opponents both in and out of 
the country.

But more worrying than the fiery bellicose rhetoric of nationalist politicians 
are the statements coming from Indonesian policy makers and statesmen who now 
claim that Indonesia should go along its own appointed path and that Indonesia 
has less need of ASEAN than ASEAN has need for Indonesia.

It is undeniable that Indonesia is the biggest player in ASEAN today and that 
the success or failure of ASEAN in the long run will depend on the success or 
failure of Indonesia. As the fourth largest country in the world, ASEAN cannot 
afford to neglect Indonesia or turn a blind eye to its internal developments. 
Yet it is precisely the internal developments in Indonesia that give cause for 
concern: The return to the politics of premans and gangsters reminds the world 
of the time when Indonesia was known less for its refined culture and more for 
the culture of gangsterism in politics. And right-wing extreme nationalist 
rhetoric that we hear from some Indonesian politicians today is alarming to say 
the least, sending all the wrong signals to the international 
community at 
large.

Indonesian nationalists may feel that the time has come for Indonesia to take 
its place on the stage of world history, but one hopes that the role it plays 
will be a positive one. Sudan, Iran and Afghanistan are also famous countries 
today, but for the wrong reasons - and ASEAN would not like to see Indonesia 
put in the same category.And as for Indonesian nationalists entertaining dreams 
of power and regional influence, it ought to be noted that Indonesia’s great 
history dates back to an age when even the word ‘Indonesia’ did not exist, and 
when Southeast Asia was an open space where communities moved with fluidity and 
ease, sharing and developing a common pan-Southeast Asian culture that was 
inclusive rather than exclusive. 

Indonesia’s rightful place in history is as the actor that allowed for that 
great inter-cultural dialogue and sharing to take place; at a time when 
cultural identity was not linked to narrow nationalism or ethnic-racial 
superiority. If there is something that the past can teach all of us, it is 
that great nations emerge through co-operation with others, and not through 
belligerence and bullying.

Dr Farish Ahmad-Noor is Senior Fellow, 
S. Rajaratnam School of International 
Studies, Nanyang Technological 
University, Singapore

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