http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\11\10\story_10-11-2009_pg3_5

OPINION: A line in the sand -Uri Avnery

 In Jerusalem, there is still hope that Abbas' announcement is merely a ploy, 
that it would be enough to throw him some crumbs in order to change his mind. 
It seems that they do not really know the man. His self-respect will not allow 
him to go back, unless Obama awards him a serious political achievement

Mahmoud Abbas is fed up. The day before yesterday he withdrew his candidacy for 
the coming presidential election in the Palestinian Authority.

I understand him.

He feels betrayed. And the traitor is Barack Obama.

A year ago, when Obama was elected, he aroused high hopes in the Muslim world, 
among the Palestinian people as well as in the Israeli peace camp.

At long last an American president who understood that he had to put an end to 
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, not only for the sake of the two peoples, but 
mainly for the US national interests. This conflict is largely responsible for 
the tidal waves of anti-American hatred that sweep the Muslim masses from ocean 
to ocean.

Everybody believed that a new era had begun. Instead of the Clash of 
Civilisations, the Axis of Evil and all the other idiotic but fateful slogans 
of the Bush era, a new approach of understanding and reconciliation, mutual 
respect and practical solutions.

Nobody expected Obama to exchange the unconditional pro-Israeli line for a 
one-sided pro-Palestinian attitude. But everybody thought that the US would 
henceforth adopt a more even-handed approach and push the two sides towards the 
Two-State Solution. And, no less important, that the continuous stream of 
hypocritical and sanctimonious blabbering would be displaced by a determined, 
vigorous, non-provocative but purposeful policy.

As high as the hopes were then, so deep is the disappointment now. Nothing of 
all these has come about. Worse: the Obama administration has shown by its 
actions and omissions that it is not really different from the administration 
of George W. Bush.

FROM THE first moment it was clear that the decisive test would come in the 
battle of the settlements.

It may seem that this is a marginal matter. If peace is to be achieved within 
two years, as Obama's people assure us, why worry about another few houses in 
the settlements that will be dismantled anyway? So there will be a few thousand 
settlers more to resettle. Big deal.

But the freezing of the settlements has an importance far beyond its practical 
effect. To return to the metaphor of the Palestinian lawyer: "We are 
negotiating the division of a pizza, and in the meantime, Israel is eating the 
pizza."

The American insistence on freezing the settlements in the entire West Bank and 
East Jerusalem was the flag of Obama's new policy. As in a Western movie, Obama 
drew a line in the sand and declared: up to here and no further! A real cowboy 
cannot withdraw from such a line without being seen as yellow.

That is precisely what has now happened. Obama has erased the line he himself 
drew in the sand. He has given up the clear demand for a total freeze. Binyamin 
Netanyahu and his people announced proudly - and loudly - that a compromise had 
been reached, not, God forbid, with the Palestinians (who are they?) but with 
the Americans. They have allowed Netanyahu to build here and build there, for 
the sake of "Normal Life", "Natural Increase", "Completing Unfinished Projects" 
and other transparent pretexts of this kind. There will not be, of course, any 
restrictions in Jerusalem, the Undivided Eternal Capital of Israel. In short, 
the settlement activity will continue in full swing.

To add insult to injury, Hillary Clinton troubled herself to come to Jerusalem 
in person in order to shower Netanyahu with unctuous flattery. There is no 
precedent to the sacrifices he is making for peace, she fawned.

That was too much even for Abbas, whose patience and self-restraint are 
legendary. He has drawn the consequences.

"To understand all is to forgive all," the French say. But in this case, some 
things are hard to forgive.

Certainly, one can understand Obama. He is engaged in a fight for his political 
life on the social front, the battle for health insurance. Unemployment 
continues to rise. The news from Iraq is bad, Afghanistan is quickly turning 
into a second Vietnam. Even before the award ceremony, the Nobel Peace Prize 
looks like a joke.

Perhaps he feels that the time is not ripe for provoking the almighty 
pro-Israel lobby. He is a politician, and politics is the art of the possible. 
It would be possible to forgive him for this, if he admitted frankly that he is 
unable to realize his good intentions in this area for the time being.

But it is impossible to forgive what is actually happening. Not the scandalous 
American treatment of the Goldstone report. Not the loathsome behaviour of 
Hillary in Jerusalem. Not the mendacious talk about the "restraint" of the 
settlement activities. The more so as all this goes on with total disregard of 
the Palestinians, as if they were merely extras in a musical.

Not only has Obama given up his claim to a complete change in US policy, but he 
is actually continuing the policy of Bush. And since Obama pretends to be the 
opposite of Bush, this is double treachery.

Abbas reacted with the only weapon he has at his command: the announcement that 
he will leave public life.

The American policy in the "Wider Middle East" can be compared to a recipe in a 
cookbook: "Take five eggs, mix with flour and sugar...

In real life: Take a local notable, give him the paraphernalia of government, 
conduct "free elections", train his security forces, turn him into a 
subcontractor.

This is not an original recipe. Many colonial and occupation regimes have used 
it in the past. What is so special about its use by the Americans is the 
"democratic" props for the play. Even if a cynical world does not believe a 
word of it, there is the audience back home to think about.

That is how it was done in the past in Vietnam. How Hamid Karzai was chosen in 
Afghanistan and Nouri Maliki in Iraq. How Fouad Siniora has been kept in 
Lebanon. How Muhammad Dahlan was to be installed in the Gaza Strip (but was at 
the decisive moment forestalled by Hamas.) In most of the Arab countries, there 
is no need for this recipe, since the established regimes already satisfy the 
requirements.

Abbas was supposed to fill this role. He bears the title of President, he was 
elected fairly, an American general is training his security forces. True, in 
the following parliamentary elections his party was soundly beaten, but the 
Americans just ignored the results and the Israelis imprisoned the undesirable 
Parliamentarians. The show must go on.

But Abbas is not satisfied with being the egg in the American recipe.

I first met him 26 years ago. After the first Lebanon War, when we (Matti 
Peled, Ya'acov Arnon and I) went to Tunis to meet Yasser Arafat, we saw Abbas 
first. That was the case every time we came to Tunis after that. Peace with 
Israel was the "desk" of Abbas.

Conversations with him were always to the point. We did not become friends, as 
with Arafat. The two were of very different temperament. Arafat was an 
extrovert, a warm person who liked personal gestures and physical contact with 
the people he talked with. Abbas is a self-contained introvert who prefers to 
keep people at a distance.

>From the political point of view, there is no real difference. Abbas is 
>continuing the line laid down by Arafat in 1974: a Palestinian state within 
>the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The difference is in 
>the method. Arafat believed in his ability to influence Israeli public 
>opinion. Abbas limits himself to dealings with rulers. Arafat believed that he 
>had to keep in his arsenal all possible means of struggle: negotiations, 
>diplomatic activity, armed struggle, public relations, devious manoeuvres. 
>Abbas puts everything in one basket: peace negotiations.

Abbas does not want to become a Palestinian Marshal Petain. He does not want to 
head a local Vichy regime. He knows that he is on a slippery slope and has 
decided to stop before it is too late.

I think, therefore, that his intention to leave the stage is serious. I believe 
his assertion that it is not just a bargaining ploy. He may change his 
decision, but only if he is convinced that the rules of the game have changed.

Obama was completely surprised. That has never happened before: an American 
client, totally dependent on Washington, suddenly rebels and poses conditions. 
That is exactly what Abbas has done now, when he recognized that Obama is 
unwilling to fulfil the most basic condition: to freeze the settlements.

>From the American point of view, there is no replacement. There are certainly 
>some capable people in the Palestinian leadership, as well as corrupt ones and 
>collaborators. But there is no one who is capable of rallying around him all 
>the West Bank population. The first name that comes up is always Marwan 
>Barghouti, but he is in prison and the Israeli government has already 
>announced that he will not be released even if elected. Also, it is not clear 
>whether he is willing to play that role in the present conditions. Without 
>Abbas, the entire American recipe comes apart.

Netanyahu, too, was utterly surprised. He wants phony negotiations, devoid of 
substance, as a camouflage for the deepening of the occupation and enlarging of 
the settlements. A "Peace process" as a substitute for peace. Without a 
recognized Palestinian leader, with whom can he "negotiate"?

In Jerusalem, there is still hope that Abbas' announcement is merely a ploy, 
that it would be enough to throw him some crumbs in order to change his mind. 
It seems that they do not really know the man. His self-respect will not allow 
him to go back, unless Obama awards him a serious political achievement.

>From Abbas' point of view, the announcement of his retirement is the doomsday 
>weapon.

Uri Avnery is an Israeli peace activist who has advocated the setting up of a 
Palestinian state alongside Israel. He served three terms in the Israeli 
parliament (Knesset), and is the founder of Gush Shalom (Peace Bloc)


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