http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/LE13Ae01.html

May 13, 2010 

Thai power grows from the barrel of a gun
By William Barnes 


BANGKOK - The relative success of Thailand's red-garbed anti-government protest 
group in outmaneuvering the government and military owes much to Maoist 
revolutionary thought and guerilla tactics. 

Therdpoum Chaidee, a former communist and colleague of key protest leaders, 
says that the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship's (UDD) strategy 
has necessarily required violence, or at least the threat of violence, to 
divide and immobilize Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's government. 

"The revolution walks on two legs. One political leg and one army leg. Violence 
is the essential ingredient in the mix. That is what we were taught," said 
Therdpoum. 

The UDD has publicly portrayed itself as a non-violent, pro-democracy movement, 
a line many international media outlets have perpetuated. It has occupied a 
large swathe of Bangkok's luxury shopping and hotel district for more than six 
weeks, paralyzing the symbolic heart of the country's capitalist economy. 
Abhisit's government has threatened but failed to remove the thousands of 
protesters, apparently over fears that the use of force would result in 
multiple deaths and possible international censure. UDD leaders have threatened 
"civil war" if security forces crack down on their supporters, known locally as 
the "red shirts". 

The protest group has rallied around its symbolic hero and presumed patron, 
former populist prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The 
businessman-cum-politician was ousted in a 2006 military coup and later fled 
into exile to avoid a two-year jail sentence related to a corruption 
conviction. Thaksin has since cajoled UDD supporters to rise up and topple the 
government through various video-linked phone-in addresses. 

UDD leaders have demanded the dissolution of parliament, currently controlled 
by a coalition of political parties and backed by the Bangkok establishment, 
and new elections that they anticipate would be won by the Thaksin-aligned 
opposition Puea Thai party. They have recently accepted in concept a compromise 
reconciliation roadmap presented by Abhisit, which calls for new elections to 
be held on November 14, but not yet abandoned their protest sites. 

Tensions spiked violently on April 10, when a routine crowd clearance operation 
- of the sort successfully deployed by the army against a similar UDD protest 
in April 2009 - turned into a nightmare of bloodshed. Mysterious commandos, 
clad in black and circulating freely through the red shirt protesters, used M79 
grenades to attack tactical army commanders, killing a highly respected colonel 
and maiming others. 

In the mayhem that followed, 25 protesters and solders were killed and over 800 
injured after an operation that started with soldiers wielding batons and ended 
in deadly firefights. Coincident with the UDD's protest has been a string of 
anonymous M79 grenade attacks, with over 50 incidents in Bangkok and at least 
30 more across the country since mid-March. 

On April 22, five grenades were fired into Bangkok's main business district 
directly opposite a UDD erected bamboo and car-tire street barricade. One 
person was killed and 90 others injured or maimed, including members of a small 
pro-government protest group that has expressed opposition to the UDD's 
protests. 

Fog of war 
The government has said it aims to separate ''terrorists'' from the ordinary 
protesters, while some red shirts have thanked the anonymous black-clad 
assailants for coming to their defense against state security forces. 
Therdpoum, a former member of parliament under Thaksin's original Thai Rak Thai 
party, says there has been obfuscation and propaganda on both sides of the 
conflict. 

"The people who are the real planners, not the people up on stage making 
protest speeches, these people probably keep a very low profile, but they must 
calculate that aggression is vital," he said. "Aggression paralyzes and divides 
opponents. This is what we were taught, this is how a smaller force can defeat 
overwhelming power. The message was: divide and conquer." 

Whether the UDD's shadowy armed wing consists of mafia thugs, unemployed 
irregulars or disaffected regular soldiers, they must be capable of ruthless 
and focused violence, he said. 

Therdpoum, born in humble circumstances in northeastern Thailand, was a hotel 
union organizer who fled to the communist underground in 1975 to oppose a 
brutal right wing government. Many hundreds of the country's most energetic 
students and intellectuals did the same. Most, like Therdpoum, later renounced 
the ideology. 

His five-year odyssey with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) included a 
three-month period in Hanoi in the heady period following the unification of 
Vietnam under communist rule. There, Therdpoum and a handful of hand-picked 
Thai activists, like prominent student leader Seksan Prasertkun, as well as 
current UDD leaders Weng Tochirakan and Jaran Dittapichai, were drilled in 
Maoist revolutionary theory. 

The five tactics they learned for unseating a government included: divide your 
enemies; form a united front; use provocative violence; secure the loyalty of 
people inside the ruling regime; and, finally, win over the army. 

"That is what we have seen. The government people have been quarrelling about 
what to do. Some senior figures have a divided loyalty. The army and the police 
cannot move. Provocative violence has been very successful," said Therdpoum, 
referring to the UDD's campaign to topple Abhisit's government. 

"The tactic is to keep saying that you are a peace-loving people. The many 
factions folded into the united front [UDD] organization are not told what the 
real strategy is because they might not agree and they might not act their part 
convincingly," he added. 

A generation ago, the eager young communists in Thailand's underground 
movement, many of whom now play major roles on Thailand's political stage, were 
told that propaganda should be blunt, simple and repeated incessantly to be 
effective. The UDD has similarly shunned hard policy debates in favor of simple 
credos of justice denied and the hypocrisy of elites. 

"The red shirt people have been told over and over that greedy people in 
authority have denied them justice and their fair share. They have been pumped 
full of toy-town leftism and told to hate every institution that has held this 
country together. I worry that the bitterness and hatred produced by this 
propaganda now runs so deep it will cause tension and problems for a long 
time," Therdpoum said. 

"Many of them are now absolutely convinced that Thaksin was the best leader in 
Thai history, that he was a kind and generous man who holds the solution to all 
their problems. They don't need a program - they just need a new Thai state 
with Thaksin in charge. It has become very emotional - as it was designed to 
be," he added. 

Ignorance over knowledge 
Other observers believe that the anti-Thaksin, yellow-garbed People's Alliance 
for Democracy (PAD) protest group that occupied Government House for several 
weeks and closed down Bangkok's airports for 10 days in 2008 helped to show the 
UDD how effective determined and prolonged protests could be. To be sure, there 
were violent moments during the PAD's many protests, launched first to remove 
Thaksin and later his proxy governments, but not to the extent of the current 
shadowy campaign of bombings and shootings. 

The red shirts consist of many passive supporters, many active ones and, now, a 
hand-picked core of "professional revolutionaries" chosen for their loyalty and 
street smarts, according to Therdpoum. Behind them are many "deep secrets and 
hidden messages" that are revealed to only a privileged few in the movement, 
while an even smaller number know the entire strategy, he claimed. 

"Old communists know that when it comes to revolution, ignorance is much more 
powerful than knowledge," Therdpoum said. 

It is thus ironic that more former communists are currently on side with the 
royalist PAD than the supposedly pro-poor UDD, which is simultaneously striving 
to restore the billionaire Thaksin's wealth and power. So, too, is the fact 
that while the UDD has called with revolutionary zeal for a new political 
order, the Thaksin-aligned Puea Thai party that will contest the next elections 
is packed with old-style and corruption-tainted patronage politicians. 

Therdpoum believes that the UDD's sincere left-wing members are using Thaksin 
and anticipate the opportunity to eventually dump his personal agenda in favor 
of the establishment of a more socialist society. Some of the former communists 
who took up arms and fled into the jungle in the 1970s and 1980s and were once 
in Thaksin's inner circle include Prommin Lertsuridej, Phumtham Wechayachai, 
Sutham Saengprathum, Phinit Jarusombat, Adisorn Piangket and Kriangkamon 
Laohapairot. 

Its unclear how many of those former communists are now active from 
behind-the-scenes in the UDD's planning and strategy. Some media have recently 
published photographs of the UDD's three main stage leaders, Veera Musigapong, 
Natthawut Saikua and Jatuporn Prompan, with the exiled Thaksin in what appear 
to be planning sessions leading up to the current protests. It is debatable, 
however, how much real power they wield over broad strategy and tactics; 
Therdpoum, for one, discounts them as "showmen". 

UDD organizer Jaran Dittapichai told this correspondent that the protest group 
had adopted "Mao Zedong's method of thinking" and some of his techniques, 
including the establishment of a united front. "I was a communist and several 
leaders were former communists ... but the red shirt people don't like 
communism or socialism. We use his principles to build up our front and to work 
with people who are not red shirts, but who are fighting for democracy like 
us." 

He, like other UDD leaders, has consistently denied that the group is behind 
the mysterious bombing campaign that has coincided with its protest activities. 
"There is no third hand. There is only the first hand and the second hand ... 
the government side and our people," Jaran said. 

"Before we started we discussed the [potential] problem of the third hand and 
who they might be. We were worried that someone might throw a bomb at us or 
shoot at us. We still have good luck - no one comes to throw a bomb [at us]." 

William Barnes is a Bangkok-based journalist. 

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