http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/09/03/corruption-sentence-cut-reflects-failed-government.html

Corruption sentence cut reflects failed government
Donny Syofyan, Padang | Fri, 09/03/2010 9:46 AM | Opinion 



The President's remission and pardon to some corruption convicts have been 
really shocking. 

Independence Day celebration, which is supposed to be a victorious public day, 
has turned into a public condolence day, with Aulia Pohan and several people 
convicted of graft leaving houses of detention.

The government's move increases people's suspicion over the government's 
commitment to combat corruption. Aulia Pohan, a former deputy governor of Bank 
Indonesia and an in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was 
conditionally released from detention serving less than two years of his 
three-year prison term.

This is not to mention sentence reductions granted to Artalyta Suryani, once 
notoriously caught in a luxurious cell, or the pardon granted to Syaukani Hasan 
Rais, former regent of Kutai Kartanegara, East Kalimantan, who was suspended 
from his post over four cases involving Rp 93.2 billion (US$10.1 million).

Public outrage over the sentence reductions given to those corrupt officials 
indicates a failed government to battle corruption, which is the country's 
number one enemy. There are some notes on this.

First, the government is certainly suffering from a "priority syndrome" to 
fight against corruption. A 2006 government regulation, on which the government 
based the president's remission and pardon, runs against the spirit of 
corruption eradication. 

Bribery is a corrupt practice, which has been declared as an extraordinary 
crime, and therefore lead to the establishment of a superbody institution such 
as the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) through Law No. 30/2002. The law 
authorizes the KPK to tap the phone lines of suspected corrupt officials and 
submit the phone data records as evidence tools.

Inappropriately, the government seems to have no clear sense of direction and 
priority when it comes to eradicating corruption, failing to show zero 
tolerance for corrupt officials.

The government's poor priority is getting worse as it applies or focuses on 
convicts' perspectives rather than people's interest. The humanitarian ground 
to release 

Syaukani, for instance, is not on par with the people's sense of justice. The 
government has a total blackout for poor people's pain, forgetting how black 
and evil the convicts' heart and soul must be to steal even from the poor.

Second, the government is suffering from its worst crisis of confidence to 
combat corruption. The government becomes frustrated with endless bribery cases 
in this country, not simply due to soaring cases day by day, but also because 
the increasing law enforcement officials involved, such as police generals. 
Such complexity prevents the government from holding serious and intense 
coordination involving both regular law enforcement agencies, such as police 
and ad-hoc law enforcement agencies, such as the KPK and the Judicial Mafia 
Taskforce.

That accounts for the government's politically motivated move, which is 
basically a setback in fighting corruption. The move probably aims to either 
gather support from local elites, who are mainly prominent figures at the local 
level, as Transparency International Indonesia's Teten Masduki said, or to show 
that the government prefers compromise to determination in dealing with 
corruption eradication.

To the worst degree, the corruption sentence reduction constitutes a 
government's project or breakthrough, especially the justice and human rights 
minister, prior to Cabinet reshuffles in times to come to win President 
Yudhoyono's heart.

 Despite the breakthrough being deemed as against the mainstream, using Hebert 
Adam's maxim, such a move is quite catchy to manipulate truth in line with the 
ruling government's interest. 

The government's crisis of confidence, inspired by the maxim, will only be 
overcome by exposing unpopular and brainwashing breakthroughs.

 Third, the government is attempting to de-energize the KPK. For a couple of 
years, the KPK has appeared on stage to handle seemingly untouchable corruption 
cases in this country. The public lend high credence to the institution owing 
to the fact that during its existence the corruption eradication index shows a 
decreasing rate. 

There has been systematic ways of criminalizing the most-trusted law 
enforcement at the moment. In the previous months, President Yudhoyono demurred 
at interfering in the bribery accusations leveled against the KPK deputies 
Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah. But now the scenario is getting 
tough, the President and Justice and Human Rights Ministry block the KPK from 
moving any longer to tackle and arrest more corrupt officials by granting more 
and more pardons, remissions, and conditional freedom to multiple corrupt 
officials in the prison.

The reliable commission no longer frightens corrupt convicts since it becomes a 
toothless tiger as they are about to receive sentence cuts one day as long as 
they behave well in the penitentiary. This creates a big loophole just waiting 
to be exploited by corrupt officials with deep pockets.

The public still believe that the KPK is the only institution capable of 
setting up radical improvements within the law enforcement institutions, much 
better than other law enforcement agencies such as the National Police or the 
Attorney General's Office. 

Any efforts to tame the KPK through grafting pardons, remissions and 
conditional freedom to corrupt convicts means the creation of a whole new 
generation of law enforcers is simply a daydream.



The writer is a lecturer at Andalas University, Padang, and a graduate of the 
University of Canberra, Australia.






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