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Indonesia's Anti-Terror Police Expand Their Targets
Nivell Rayda | March 05, 2012


The sun was rising slowly behind Salahutu Mountain but the island of Ambon 
remained dark as thunder-infested clouds hid the rays overhead. 

A storm was brewing quickly, with drops of rain visible just over the horizon 
on the Banda Sea. The air felt cold in the middle of Ambon’s rainy season, and 
as I traveled with my guide on a one-hour motorbike ride, my body shivered 
uncontrollably. 

I gripped my jacket tighter around my body as I glanced briefly at the 
reflection of my guide, Rezon, on the side mirror of his motorbike. He seemed 
accustomed to the low temperature, wearing sandals, shorts and a thin T-shirt 
with a printed image of the Spice Islands. 

“This is where we are, and this is where we are headed,” he said, pointing to 
the lower-left side of the printed part on his T-shirt. 

I was on my way to meet a pro-Maluku independence activist, a man who chooses 
to be identified only as Geba, which means “friend” in the local dialect. 

I had met him a day earlier at a small coffee shop in Ambon city, tucked away 
in a secluded section of a frantic market. Chatting over a cup of coffee, he 
recounted how Malukans had lost much of their rightful wealth — first robbed by 
the Europeans, who profited from centuries with a monopoly on the islands’ 
spices, and later by the Indonesian government, which siphoned Maluku’s natural 
resources to develop Jakarta. 

But Geba, who claims to be a proud member of the outlawed South Maluku Republic 
(RMS), had wanted to return to his own home before showing me a more sinister 
side to his struggle. 

“I have paid a hefty price for my fight,” he said when we met for the second 
time, sitting on his back porch. 

Carefully unbuttoning his shirt, he revealed scores of burn marks all over his 
chest, stomach and back, each the size of a cigarette butt. 

“Hundreds of times, the police burned me with a lit cigarette,” he said, 
recalling the time he spent in detention in 2006 after organizing an RMS 
ceremony, during which the banned Benang Raja flag had been unfurled. 

The RMS activist said his captors told him to lie with his face down and his 
body flat across two chairs, allowing police officers to kick his back with 
their boots. 

“They also hit me in the head with the butt of a rifle,” he said. “I was kicked 
in the neck, too, and they smashed a glass on my head. Even with blood gushing 
from my head and three sets of my teeth broken, the torture didn’t stop.” 

Geba identified his tormentors as members of the National Police’s Special 
Detachment 88 (Densus 88), an elite unit more often associated with fighting 
terrorists and militants than people accused of peacefully protesting for 
independence. 

Untapped resource 

Densus 88 was formed shortly after the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 
people, mostly foreign tourists. The counterterrorism unit began attracting 
foreign donors and training agreements, making it the most elite unit in the 
police force. 

It is easy to distinguish an ordinary police officer from a member of the 
Densus 88. While most officers hold locally made Pindad assault rifles or 
handguns, Densus 88 officers carry anything from Austrian Steyr AUG assault 
rifles to the reincarnation of the M16 rifle, the AR-15. 

With terrorism threats waning in the years after the second Bali bombing in 
2005 — there were only minor incidents in the provinces, like the bombing of a 
pig market in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and a series of ambushes against law 
enforcers in Ambon — so too did Densus 88’s once prominent role begin to fade. 

It was a few years before Indonesia was rocked by another major terrorism 
incident: the twin suicide attacks at the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels 
in Jakarta in 2009. 

“Ideally, they [Densus 88] should keep focusing on cracking down on the 
terrorism network,” said Taufik Andrie, the research director of security think 
tank the Institute for International Peace Building (YPP). 

“But we cannot dispute the fact that [Densus 88] are more equipped with the 
tactical know-how and gadgetry to conduct investigations more effectively than 
other police units.” 

In June 2007, the counterterrorism unit was involved in the arrest of 22 RMS 
activists accused of unfurling the Benang Raja flag in front of President 
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. 

Eva Kusuma Sundari, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle 
(PDI-P) and a member of the legislature’s Commission III, which oversees the 
National Police, said the counterterror unit has even investigated banking 
crimes. 

“I have met with some of the officers personally and they said they were 
involved in evaluating banking crime cases that were dropped by the police,” 
she said. 

With the death of major terrorism suspects Noordin M. Top and Dulmatin, and 
with terrorist figures like Abu Bakar Bashir, Umar Patek and Abu Umar behind 
bars, Densus 88 is now stepping up its engagement in non-terrorism issues 
again. 

In August last year, counterterrorism officers were deployed in conflict-riven 
Papua after four people were killed in an ambush by suspected armed separatists 
in Nafri village, on the outskirts of Jayapura. 

“We have dispatched crime scene investigators and Densus 88 officers to Nafri 
to help Papua police hunt for the perpetrators,” said then-National Police 
spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Bachrul Alam. 

Oktovianus Pekei, a Papuan priest in the district of Paniai, said suspected 
counterterrorism officers also raided people’s homes in the district capital, 
Enarotali, during a standoff with members of the armed rebel movement, the Free 
Papuan Organization (OPM) in November. 

“The police officers in Paniai were different from Brimob, although police say 
they were Brimob,” he said, referring to the police’s paramilitary unit, the 
Mobile Brigade. 

“These officers [in Paniai] wore ski masks and heavy combat gear and helmets. 
They also carried sophisticated weaponry and state-of-the art equipment.” 

Activists in West Nusa Tenggara said Densus 88 officers were also present in 
Bima district in January following massive protests against the exploration 
permit obtained by gold prospector Sumber Mineral Nusantara. 

A month earlier, three people were killed and 50 demonstrators were arrested 
when the police opened fire on the protesters, who had occupied a local ferry 
port for days. The incident led to an even bigger protest in January, with 
residents setting fire to the district office and forcing prison wardens to 
release some 50 detainees. 

Mulyadin, a spokesman for the protesters, said Densus 88 officers in Bima’s 
Lambu subdistrict searched people’s homes for escaped detainees and tried to 
blend in with ordinary officers so they would go unnoticed. 

However, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution, formerly 
part of Densus 88 himself, denied that counterterrorism officers were present 
in Bima. 

“Why would they [be there]?” he said. “They are counterterrorism officers, and 
the case is a general crime. 

“I know [Densus 88] officers are well trained, but that doesn’t mean provincial 
police can just ask for their assistance,” he added. “Densus is under the 
direct command of the National Police chief.” 

Still, he confirmed Densus officers were in Papua to help the local police 
fight armed militias, and he justified their presence 

“Terrorism is not only limited to radicals waging jihad,” he said. “By the 
definition set under the 2003 Terrorism Law, terrorism refers to any act that 
can cause unrest.” 

But Noor Huda Ismail, an analyst on terrorism and security with the Institute 
for International Peacebuilding, said Densus 88 should stay away from handling 
separatism cases. 

“Densus was formed to tackle terrorism issues, and after all these years the 
[terrorism] network [in Indonesia] has not been uncovered completely,” he said. 

Ismail argued that terrorism suspect Umar Patek lived secretly in Indonesia 
after years on the run abroad, giving him plenty of time to expand his network 
here. There are also new players, he said, including the slain Sigit Qurdowi, 
who led a terrorist group that launched two suicide bomb attacks in Java last 
year. 

“There are also members of the Aceh camp who have not been captured to this 
day,” he added, referring to a terrorism paramilitary camp that the police 
raided in 2010. 

Violent tactics 

Taufik of security think tank YPP said that after Densus 88 formed, its 
officers tortured nearly all arrested terrorism suspects, with some suspects 
reportedly burned and beaten. 

“It was not until 2008, when they [the officers] got help from reformed 
militants and sources, that the torture stopped,” he said. “Armed with enough 
information about the terrorism network in Indonesia, [Densus 88] felt that 
there was no longer the need to extract information by torture. 

“But extrajudicial killings of suspected terrorists have continued,” he added. 

In 2010, Densus 88 officers gunned down five people in Cawang, East Jakarta, 
claiming they were armed terrorists who had tried to attack arresting officers. 
The police only ever identified four of the fatalities, fueling suspicions that 
the fifth victim had been innocent. 

“There is a great chance that suspects will be tortured again if [Densus 88] is 
allowed to engage in non-terrorism issues,” Taufik said. “They don’t have the 
knowledge [to investigate], but they’re under strong pressure to get the job 
done.” 

Yonias Siahaya, 58, knows this too well. In January 2010, he was crippled from 
the waist-down for two weeks after he was taken to the former Densus 88 
headquarters in Tantuwi, Ambon. He had been accused of possessing a Benang Raja 
flag inherited from his father, an RMS militiaman. 

“My face was covered with a black plastic bag by four [Densus 88] officers,” he 
told the Globe at his wooden home in Ambon. “I was interrogated and they beat 
me in the chest whenever I gave the wrong answer. I collapsed down to the floor 
and that’s when they kicked me repeatedly.” 

He said the torture damaged some of his nerves and dislocated joints in his 
waist, but the police said he was faking his condition. He was forced to wait 
one and a half months before eventually receiving treatment at a state hospital 
in Kudamati, Ambon, although he was handcuffed to his bed the entire time. 

“It still hurts whenever I go to the bathroom,” he said. “At night I often have 
migraine attacks.” 

Yonias now limps his way around after only partially regaining control of his 
leg muscles. He had to stop working as a construction laborer and now sells 
snacks and drinks from a rickety food stall. 

Charlotta Sapakoly, a widow of RMS activist Yusuf Sapakoly, said she noticed 
that the police crackdown on pro-independence activists in Maluku became more 
violent after Densus 88 got involved. 

“My husband was first arrested in 2003 for participating in an RMS flag-raising 
ceremony,” she said. “They didn’t torture him or anything then. But when he was 
arrested by Densus in 2007, it was another story. 

“On some days when I visited him in prison, he could barely walk — there were 
bruises all over his body. Once, I even spotted that there was a bone sticking 
out of his elbow. [Yusuf] wouldn’t tell me what happened. It was later, after 
he died, that one of his former cellmates told me what had happened.” 

A blow to the stomach had ruptured Yusuf’s kidney. 

“In September [2007], he was in a coma for three days,” Charlotta said. “His 
face was black and blue, and he had to have dialysis treatment 11 times.” 

Yusuf, detained for his involvement in the Benang Raja flag incident during 
Yudhoyono’s visit to Ambon in 2007, died in 2010. He never received proper 
treatment for the years of kidney failure and internal bleeding he sustained 
during his detention. 

Signs of harsh tactics surfaced again in August when Densus 88 joined the local 
police in Nafri, Papua, to investigate the shooting of a public minivan. 

The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) said 15 people were 
arrested after the police stormed the Horas Skyline village; some people were 
kicked, beaten and threatened with pointed guns. The police later released all 
but two suspects for lack of evidence. 

“Among the arrested were under-age girls, identified as 8-year-old Desi Kogoya 
and 7-year-old Novi Kogoya, who were arbitrarily detained and endured inhumane 
treatments,” the rights group said in its year-end report. 

Dangerous precedent 

Haris Azhar, the chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of 
Violence (Kontras), said Densus 88’s involvement in cracking down on 
pro-independence political activists threatens freedom of speech. 

“There’s the precedent that Densus 88 was involved in the torture of the 
peaceful separatist movement of RMS, which posed no physical threats to the 
public at large,” he said. “This is dangerous. If Densus 88 is allowed to 
handle non-terrorism issues, then all political activists will be treated as 
terrorists.” 

Haris said that by labeling political activists and separatist insurgence 
groups as terrorists, the Indonesian government also risks jeopardizing its 
prospects for peaceful reconciliation with pro-independence groups. 

“Densus 88 only sees its targets as enemies, not as discussion partners, which 
is how the government should view separatist groups,” he said. 

Elaine Pearson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, said 
she was deeply troubled by Densus 88’s involvement in suppressing peaceful 
protests. 

“There is a long history of counterterrorism forces in Papua conflating 
nonviolent political expression with criminal activity, and arresting political 
activists on dubious treason charges,” she said. 

“Densus 88 has an appalling human rights record, and without serious government 
oversight and with continued restrictions on access to Papua, any abuses by the 
force are likely to go unchecked,” she added. 

Australian Embassy spokesman Ray Marcelo, reiterating Canberra’s recognition of 
Indonesia’s territorial integrity, said his country does not support Densus 
88’s involvement in non-terrorism activities. 

“The sole focus of Australian engagement with Densus 88 is in combating 
terrorism,” he said. “Australia does not provide any support to Densus 88 or 
any other unit of the [Indonesian Police] and [Indonesian Military] in relation 
to any activities directed at combating separatist groups.” 

But Saud said Densus 88’s authority to engage in separatism is outlined in the 
definition of terrorism as stipulated under the 2003 Terrorism Law. 



This report is supported by the Pantau Foundation
The dedicated National Police antiterrorism unit Densus 88 was formed in the 
wake of the 2002 Bali bombings. Its officers carry weapons ranging from 
Austrian Steyr AUG assault rifles to the AR-15. AFP Photo/Romeo Gacad
An RMS activist, known as Geba, shows burn marks he said he obtained when 
Densus 88 officers tortured him in 2006. JG Photo/Nivell Rayda
Yonias Siahaya, a Maluku man accused of treason, in his home in Ambon. He says 
he was crippled from the waist down when Densus 88 officers tortured him a few 
years ago. JG Photo/Nivell Rayd

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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