http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/an-independent-but-immoral-top-court/502120
An Independent (but Immoral?) Top Court
Simon Butt | March 03, 2012

Indonesia’s Supreme Court and Judicial Commission co-hosted a regional workshop 
on judicial integrity in late January, attended by senior judges from Southeast 
Asia and the South Pacific. One issue discussed was the extent to which 
participating countries had adopted the Bangalore Principles of Judicial 
Conduct (2002), which outline widely accepted international standards of 
judicial independence, integrity and competence. 

At the event, Indonesian Supreme Court Chief Justice Harifin A. Tumpa announced 
that judicial ethics codes in Asian countries should be brought into line with 
the Bangalore Principles. He also said the Indonesian Judicial Code of Ethics 
and Guidelines for Judicial Behavior (the “Code”) has adopted these principles. 
The Supreme Court itself prepared the Code in conjunction with the Judicial 
Commission, and Harifin endorsed it in April 2009. 

But just two weeks before the workshop, a panel of five judges from Harifin’s 
own Supreme Court had actually decided to invalidate eight key sections of the 
Code, a decision announced on Feb. 9. Many of the invalidated sections appear 
to have been drawn from the Bangalore Principles, which prohibit judges from 
making mistakes in their decisions, disregarding facts that could disadvantage 
a party, otherwise favoring a party and handling cases in which they have an 
interest. 

The principles also require judges to maintain and enhance their knowledge, 
skills and personal qualities; to respect the rights of parties; to understand 
and perform their tasks in accordance with the law so as to apply the law 
correctly; and to meet their administrative responsibilities. 

The court’s reasoning in this case was as follows: Indonesia’s Basic Judiciary 
Law, enacted in October 2009, requires the Judicial Commission to supervise the 
conduct of judges, but it also prohibits the commission from interfering in 
judges’ independence when they hear and decide cases. The Supreme Court has 
long maintained that the commission does precisely this — interferes — whenever 
it seeks to question the correctness of judicial decisions (or 
“technical-judicial matters,” as the court often puts it). 

It contends that if a judge knows that his or her decision will be scrutinized 
by an outsider, he or she might hand down a decision to appease the outsider 
rather than one based on the evidence, the law and his or her conscience. 

Following this logic, the Supreme Court has decided that the eight Code 
provisions were allowing the commission to move beyond the supervision of mere 
behavior and to second-guess the “cognitive processes” that lead to judicial 
decisions. However, it is difficult to see how requiring judges to maintain 
their skills, to perform their tasks in accordance with the law and to avoid 
making mistakes or succumbing to bias can possibly affect their decision 
making. 

The Supreme Court itself drafted and endorsed the Code — it is hard to 
reconcile how the same Basic Law that provided the Code’s statutory basis has 
also created the grounds for its invalidity. 

Observers of Indonesia’s judicial system are familiar with decisions like this. 
It is part of a sustained campaign by the Supreme Court to maintain control 
over the judicial misconduct proceedings involving its own judges and the 
7,000-odd judges it administers. Many observers speculate that the court’s 
resistance to external scrutiny stems from its desire to minimize revelations 
about the high levels of judicial corruption in Indonesia, particularly within 
the Supreme Court itself. 

In this endeavor, the Supreme Court holds a major trump card: the Judicial 
Commission cannot take independent action against a judge for misconduct, but 
can only make recommendations to the Supreme Court. The commission investigated 
almost 400 judges from 2005-10 and recommended that almost 100 of them be 
sanctioned, but the court moved to discharge only four and many of the 
recommendations were ignored. The court dismissed most of them as alleged 
“technical-judicial” breaches, an area in which, according to the court, the 
commission lacks jurisdiction. 

To its great credit, the commission has not been content to stand mute and has 
continued to complain to the court about legally flawed judicial decisions. 

The court has met this perceived recalcitrance with attempts to invalidate the 
very legal foundations for the commission’s work. 

In 2006, members of the court challenged provisions of the 2004 Judicial 
Commission Law before the Constitutional Court. The latter held that, for 
reasons of judicial independence, the commission cannot analyze judges’ 
decisions to assess whether judicial misconduct has occurred. 

But the Supreme Court has now moved a step further, not simply prohibiting the 
commission from monitoring breaches of the eight principles, but actually 
removing these principles so the court itself cannot use them as bases for 
disciplinary action. 

The commission can now only legally investigate judges’ out-of-court behavior, 
which does not bode well for efforts to improve judicial standards in 
Indonesia. The Supreme Court consistently fares poorly in citizen-satisfaction 
surveys of government institutions and is often criticized for corruption and 
incompetence. 

It now seems even clearer that the court will continue to resist reform until 
the judicial accountability system is overhauled. Perhaps it is time to 
recognize that, in countries where judicial standards of integrity and 
competence are low, judicial accountability should, at least in the short term, 
trump judicial independence. 

East Asia Forum 

Simon Butt is a lecturer at the University of Sydney’s Center for Asian and 
Pacific Law

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