http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20050810.F04&irec=3



Reflecting on the internationalization of the Papuan issue 
Aleksius Jemadu, Bandung

It was surprising that two members of the U.S. Congress launched a campaign 
aimed at the establishment of a bill questioning the legitimacy of the 1969 Act 
of Free Choice on the grounds that the participants in the referendum did not 
represent the popular will of the Papuans. The reaction of Indonesian 
government officials has been mixed.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed his dissatisfaction with the move 
and urged the U.S. government to support Indonesia's territorial integrity. 
Members of the House of Representatives reacted strongly to the move, calling 
it blatant interference in Indonesia's domestic affairs. 

Compared to the conflict resolution of Aceh, the issue of Papuan independence 
is actually more complicated for the Indonesian government for at least three 
reasons. 

First, anthropologically the Papuans belong to the Melanesian ethnic group and 
they have quite different physical characteristics compared to other 
Indonesians. 

On top of that, unlike Aceh, the province of Papua is unique in that it is 
close to countries that support its independence struggle. Our diplomats find 
it difficult to approach the governments of countries in the South Pacific to 
lead them to accept Indonesia's sovereignty over the province. 

Second, the issue of Papuan independence has been made more complicated by the 
existence of the 1969 Act of Free Choice which has invited conflicting 
interpretations by the Indonesian government and the Papuan protagonists. It is 
a normal practice among separatist movements all over the world to make a 
problem out of any international agreement that can be used to justify the 
demand for self-determination. 

Third, the Papuan activists abroad have a greater chance of getting support 
from Western societies as the Indonesian government cannot associate the rebels 
in the predominantly Christian territory with any religion-inspired terrorism. 

Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono acted prudently when he made a statement 
that the Indonesian people should stay calm in responding to the move made by 
the U.S. congressmen. 

However, there is also no reason for the government to take things lightly. The 
course of events in Papua since the fall of Soeharto's regime has been 
characterized by policy inconsistencies and an endless struggle for resources 
among different political groups who are keen to take advantage of the 
loosening of Jakarta's control over the province through special autonomy. 

The contradiction between the special autonomy status and the division of the 
province is an indication that Jakarta lacks a coherent policy platform on 
Papua. 

The assassination of Theys Eluay, the former chairman of the Presidium of 
Papuan Council, allegedly by members of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) in 
November 2001 was particularly damaging to the whole strategy of Indonesian 
diplomacy on Papua. As far as the mother state is concerned one thing the 
government cannot afford is the creation of a hero on the part of the rebel 
group. Indonesia's diplomatic struggle over East Timor in the late 1990s was 
made more difficult when the Indonesian security authorities detained Xanana 
Gusmao in Jakarta. 

All these events lead us to a very clear conclusion that the Indonesian 
government has never been serious about making the Papuans feel comfortable 
within the framework of the Indonesian unitary state. Leaders in Jakarta are 
only concerned with taking advantage of the backwardness of the Papuans so that 
their natural resources can be exploited. 

To make things worse, Papuan local leaders themselves have used the special 
autonomy law to enrich themselves at the expense of the grass roots. 

It was recently shown on television how the National Police were brutal toward 
demonstrators who were protesting against the trial of their friends. All these 
events lead us to a foregone conclusion that the Indonesian authorities have 
never been serious with the improvement of the wellbeing of the Papuan people. 

It is no exaggeration to say that currently Indonesian diplomacy on Papua has 
had to face dual pressure. On the domestic level the central government has 
failed to formulate an integrated policy on Papua, hence our diplomats abroad 
find it difficult to make a strong argument against aggressive questions from 
their fellow diplomats or human rights activists. 

In the normal practice of global diplomacy, most of the time diplomats who are 
in the defensive position tend to lose the game especially when they come from 
a weak state. 

The second pressure comes from the fact that the internationalization of the 
Papuan conflict is initiated by foreign parties which are beyond Indonesia's 
control. We should not underestimate the powerful impact of collaboration 
between members of the U.S. Congress and the international networks of Papuan 
activists. 

Those who are dissatisfied with the Indonesian government in the U.S. Congress 
would be keen to use the Papuan issue as an instrument to increase the 
political stake should Indonesia be seen as an unreliable partner in the global 
fighting against terrorism. 

The Papuan independence activists abroad will continue to capitalize on the 
shortcomings of government policies in Papua. This is a great challenge for the 
Indonesian government to review all its policies for Papua and then come up 
with a more integrated policy for the sake of the Papuans themselves. Thus, the 
real battle is not in the U.S. Congress or anywhere else but here within the 
reach of our wisdom and statesmanship. 

Aleksius Jemadu is Head of the Department of International Relations 
Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung. He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]

. 


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