***Kesalahan AS menduduki Irak, telah menyatukan umat Islam di seluruh 
dunia. Semua manusia cinta damai tidak dukung aksi hegemony.

***Kini, lagi2 AS jongosi Israel merusak Lebanon. Andai kata saya seorang 
Muslim, akan saya ingat kebaikan2 Bush itu....

Religious divide

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Are the Shias on the brink of taking over the Middle East?

Jason Burke
Sunday July 23, 2006
The Observer


This weekend, as bombing in Lebanon and rocketing in Israel continue and the 
diplomacy finally gets under way, intelligence analysts from Washington to 
New Delhi are embarking on a gigantic game of 'join the dots'. Some of the 
questions they are trying to answer are familiar - what is the true nature 
of the links between Hizbollah and Damascus and Tehran? What involvement do 
the Iranians have in Gaza or the West Bank? But another question is of 
greater significance: Are we witnessing a profound shift in the power 
balance of the Middle East that will determine the geopolitics of the region 
for decades to come?

Answers are, like most analysis of the Middle East, a mixture of hunch, 
experience, prejudice and fact, but it seems clear there is a new phenomenon 
in the region that can be described as, at the very least, 'a Shia 
resurgence'.

Ten or 15 per cent of the world's 1.4bn Muslims are Shia. The differences 
with the majority Sunnis are doctrinal, cultural and often political, and 
date back to a schism over who would succeed the Prophet Muhammad 1,400 
years ago. For much of that time Shias were a persecuted minority, creating 
a powerful culture of martyrdom. However, there have been several episodes 
when the Shia, despite their smaller numbers, have been more dominant - most 
recently in 1979 when the Iranian revolution and the regime of the Ayatollah 
Khomeini inspired hundreds of millions of Muslims of all denominations 
worldwide, promoting a re-energised political Islam. For a short period, all 
eyes turned to the Shia. In the intervening years their star waned. Now, it 
is shining bright again.

Five major elements underpin the new Shia revival. The first is the sudden 
militancy of Iran, which has been led aggressively onto the world stage by 
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. This new Iranian confidence is itself based 
on internal developments but also three main external factors: the removal 
of the Taliban from its eastern border in 2001; the removal of Saddam (a 
chauvinist Sunni) from its border; and vastly increased oil revenues.

The second major element of 'the Shia comeback' is the new power of Iraq's 
Shia who, though 65 per cent of the population, had been ruled by the Sunni 
minority for at least 400 years. Now the 'National Unity government' of 
Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki in Baghdad is dominated by Shia friends of 
Iran.

Iran has profited enormously from chaos in Iraq. A recent report for the 
American Institute of Peace, a Washington think-tank, pointed out that 
Iran's leaders meet with Iraq's most influential personality, Grand 
Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who will not meet Americans. The report continued: 
'Iraq's leaders visit to Tehran to negotiate on substantive issues such as 
border security and joint energy projects. Iranian businessmen are investing 
heavily in Iraq's overwhelmingly Shia southern regions, and Iran's 
intelligence operatives are embedded throughout Iraq's nascent security 
forces and within the Shia militias that have tremendous street power in the 
south, especially in the city of Basra.'

This is reinforced by British and US military sources in Iraq. 'The Iranians 
were there before we arrived,' said a British intelligence officer. 'I have 
no doubt they will be there when we leave.'

Yet the other elements of the new 'Shia revival' are less certain. The 'Shia 
axis' depicted by Israeli, US and some European commentators and by Sunni 
regional powers links Syria, Hizbollah and finally Sunni Palestinian 
organisations such as Hamas. While rulers like King Abdullah of Jordan or 
Egypt's Hosni Mubarak have obvious reasons to fear a resurgent Shia bloc, 
the broad coalition of 'neo-conservative' analysts seek to minimise local 
social, economic and political factors behind radical movements in favour of 
all-encompassing explanations that finger individual people or states. The 
latter insist the overt indications of co-operation - such as the fact that 
Hizbollah's local leadership shares an office in Tehran with Hamas - are 
'the tip of the iceberg' of close co-ordination. 'Hizbollah is an Iranian 
creation,' said Ilan Berman, of the American Foreign Policy Council.

Yet, despite the claims, there are many who are wary of such analyses. 'It 
is almost too easy to believe in the "Shia crescent",' said Professor 
Jean-Francois Seznec, of Columbia University's Middle East Institute. 'If 
you look at the map it seems to make a lot of sense but, though there is to 
an extent a revival, it is a bit far-fetched to go from that to a conspiracy 
to take over the region.'

Beyond the countries where they are majorities, Seznec said, the Shia 
position is complicated. In Saudi Arabia, the substantial Shia minority is 
not moving closer to Iran, not least because the ruling royal family has 
offered them substantial political concessions. Elsewhere, there are also 
complicated issues of ethnicity and nationalism that militate against 
loyalty to Tehran. There are millions of Shias in the Gulf, Afghanistan and 
Pakistan whose political allegiances are determined by local factors rather 
than pretensions of distant regimes. Even in Iraq, there are vicious splits 
between clerical factions led by maverick cleric Moqtada al-Sadr and those 
loyal to the far more senior Ali Sistani. Al-Sadr's challenge to the older 
leader has its roots in the myriad arguments that fissure the international 
Shia clerical community.

There is also ethnicity. Alexis Debat, an analyst at The Nixon Centre, 
stressed the profound animosity that has pitted Arabs against those, 
dominant in and around Iran, of Persian descent. 'I do not buy the "Shia 
axis" argument at all,' he said. 'A lot of people put it in those terms for 
political reasons, but Shias are too diverse, there are too many factions, 
too many conflicting allegiances.'

There are religious and cultural ties between Shia that become important in 
specific situations. Minor details, such as the fact that Hizbollah leader 
Hassan Nasrallah studied both in Iraq and Iran, take on a far greater 
significance. When men like Nasrallah look at the political landscape it is 
with two frames of reference, one secular, the other religious.

All analysts agree Iran has gained a huge amount of influence - 'soft' power 
- by saying openly what the majority, Arabs and Persians, Shia and Sunni, in 
the Middle Eastern 'street' say privately. 'The [Iranian] discourse is 
pan-Islamist and plays the chord of anti-imperialism, Arab nationalism and 
anti-Zionism,' said Olivier Roy, the director of the National Scientific 
Research Centre in Paris.

What Tehran says is also exactly what rulers like King Abdullah, Mubarak or 
the House of al-Saud cannot say for fear of angering Western allies. And 
though such regimes can buy off local discontent for a period with increased 
expenditure on social services and finely calibrated political concessions, 
the anger in the bazaars and the mosques cannot be contained for ever. It 
needs an outlet. Tehran, Hizbollah and others have understood this. In the 
great game of Middle Eastern politics, Western analysts are not the only 
ones joining the dots.

The day at a glance

· Israeli forces carry out 'limited' incursions inside southern Lebanon. Up 
to 1,500 soldiers are thought to have crossed the border.

· US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will go to the Middle East today.

· Israeli army says it attacked more than 150 targets in the past 24 hours. 
War planes launched raids on the town of al-Khiam and near the port of Tyre

· Evacuation of foreign nationals from Lebanon to Cyprus now tops 25,000.

· Militant groups in the Gaza Strip agreed to stop firing at Israel last 
night, senior Palestinian officials said.

· At least 345 civilians and a handful of Hizbollah fighters have been 
killed in Lebanon. Nineteen Israeli soldiers and 15 civilians have died.

· The Bush administration is rushing precision-guided bombs to Israel, which 
requested the shipment last week.

http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1826930,00.html




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