http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/25/world/middleeast/25assess.html?_r=1&oref=slogin

Military Analysis
Iraqi Realities Undermine the Pentagon's Predictions 

By MICHAEL R. GORDON
Published: October 25, 2006
BAGHDAD, Oct. 24 - In trying to build support for the American strategy in 
Iraq, Gen. George W. Casey Jr. said Tuesday that the Iraqi military could be 
expected to take over the primary responsibility for securing the country 
within 12 to 18 months. 

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Shawn Baldwin for The New York Times
Gen. George W. Casey Jr., with Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad, offered a time 
frame yesterday for turning Iraqi security over to the Iraqis. 

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Forum: The Transition in Iraq 

But that laudable goal seems far removed from the violence-plagued streets of 
Iraq's capital, where American forces have taken the lead in trying to protect 
the city and American soldiers substantially outnumber Iraqi ones. 

Given the rise in sectarian killings, a Sunni-based insurgency that appears to 
be as potent as ever and an Iraqi security establishment that continues to have 
difficulties deploying sufficient numbers of motivated and proficient forces in 
Baghdad, General Casey's target seems to be an increasingly heroic assumption.

On paper, Iraq has substantial security forces. The Pentagon noted in an August 
report to Congress that Iraq had more than 277,000 troops and police officers, 
including some 115,000 army combat soldiers. 

But those figures, which have often been cited at Pentagon news conferences as 
an indicator of progress and a potential exit strategy for American troops, 
paint a distorted picture. When the deep-seated reluctance of many soldiers to 
serve outside their home regions, leaves of absence and AWOL rates are taken 
into account, only a portion of the Iraqi Army is readily available for duty in 
Baghdad and other hot spots. 

The fact that the Ministry of Defense has sent only two of the six additional 
battalions that American commanders have requested for Baghdad speaks volumes 
about the difficulty the Iraqi government has encountered in fielding a 
professional military. The four battalions that American commanders are still 
waiting for is equivalent to 2,800 soldiers, hardly a large commitment in the 
abstract but one that the Iraqis are still struggling to meet. 

>From the start, General Casey's broader strategy for Iraq has been premised on 
>the optimistic assumption that Iraqi forces could soon substitute for American 
>ones. In February 2005, General Casey noted that in the year ahead the United 
>States would begin to "transfer the counterinsurgency mission to the 
>increasingly capable Iraqi security forces across Iraq."

In June 2006, General Casey submitted a confidential plan to the White House 
projecting American troop withdrawals that would begin in September 2006 and 
which, conditions permitting, would lead to a more than 50 percent reduction in 
American combat brigades by December 2007. Iraq's security forces were to fill 
the gap. In keeping with that strategy, American forces cut back their patrols 
in Baghdad during the first half of 2006. 

It did not take long before the plan had to be shelved and American forces 
increased to try to tamp down the sectarian killings there. Still, General 
Casey continued to portray the current surge in fighting as a difficult 
interlude before the Iraqi security forces could begin to assume the main 
combat role and some variant of his withdrawal plan for American forces could 
be put back on track.

As he said Tuesday, "It's going to take another 12 to 18 months or so till, I 
believe, the Iraqi security forces are completely capable of taking over 
responsibility for their own security, still probably with some level of 
support from us, but that will be directly asked for by the Iraqis."

Certainly, the Iraqi security forces have made some gains. The Iraqi military 
is larger and better trained, and has taken control of more territory in the 
past year. Some Iraqi soldiers have fought well. But in Baghdad, which American 
commanders have defined as the central front in the war, it is still a junior 
partner.

To improve the Iraqi forces, the American military is inserting teams of 
military advisers with Iraqi units. American officials also say their Iraqi 
counterparts are trying to use the lure of extra pay to persuade reluctant 
troops to come to the aid of their capital.

But longstanding problems remain. A quarter or so of a typical Iraqi unit is on 
leave at any one time. Since Iraq lacks an effective banking system for paying 
its troops, soldiers are generally given a week's leave each month to bring 
their pay home

Desertions and absenteeism are another concern. According to the August 
Pentagon report, 15 percent of new recruits drop out during initial training. 
Beyond that, deployment to combat zones, the report adds, sometimes results in 
additional "absentee spikes of 5 to 8 percent."As a result, the actual number 
of Iraqi boots on the ground on a given day is routinely less than the official 
number. In areas where the risks and hardship are particularly great, the 
shortfall is sometimes significant. In fiercely contested Anbar Province in 
western Iraq, the day-to-day strength of the Seventh Iraqi Army Division in 
August was only about 35 percent of the soldiers on its rolls, while the 
day-to-day strength of the First Division was 50 percent of its authorized 
strength.

Another complication is that the even-numbered divisions in the 10-division 
army have largely been recruited locally and thus generally reflect the ethnic 
makeup of the regions where they are based. So, much of the Iraqi Army consists 
of soldiers who are reluctant to serve outside the areas in which they reside. 
Several battalions have gone AWOL rather then deploy to Baghdad, an American 
military officer said.

The Iraqi government is well aware of such problems. Its plan is to increase 
the overall size of the military by 50,000, calculating that if it assigns 
extra troops to each unit they can be maintained near full strength when 
soldiers go on leave or are otherwise absent. 

The difficulties with the Iraqi police, who are supposed to play a major role 
in protecting cleared areas under the Baghdad security plan, are considerable 
and include corruption and divided loyalties to militias. According to the 
Pentagon report, the Interior Ministry also lacks an effective management 
system. The Americans know how many Iraqis have been trained to work as police 
officers but not how many are still on the job.

The National Police have been a particular worry. One National Police unit has 
been withdrawn from duty in Baghdad because it was linked to sectarian 
killings. National Police brigades are now being removed from duty one by one 
for retraining with an eye to changing, as General Casey put it, the "ethos of 
these forces."

In the final analysis, the problem is more one of institution building than 
numbers. Until Iraq has a genuine unity government that its own forces respect 
and are willing to fight for, it seems likely that the American military will 
continue to shoulder most of the burden. 


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