http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/jun2007/rost-j07.shtmlhttp://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/jun2007/rost-j07.shtml

Anti-G8 demonstration violence in Rostock: questions and contradictions
By Marius Heuser and Ulrich Rippert
7 June 2007


The acts of violence that occurred during the mass demonstration against the G8 
summit last Saturday in Rostock have led to noisy appeals from the German 
political and media establishment for tougher police measures. Many 
commentators have chosen to blame the mass of demonstrators and the organisers 
of the protest for the excesses, and then sought retroactively to justify the 
attacks on the right to demonstrate and freedom of assembly that preceded the 
demonstration.

Reinhard Mohr writes in Spiegel-Online that, as far as he is concerned, the 
demonstrators as a group were responsible for the riots because they did not 
distinguish themselves clearly enough from violent anarchist elements 
(so-called "autonomes"). Anyone who labels the elected heads of government and 
other G8 summit participants "gangsters and criminals" should not be surprised 
at the outbreak of violence, Mohr concludes. The author began his journalistic 
career as an editor of the Frankfurt anarchist pamphlet "Pavement Beach," which 
justified the street battles fought in the 1970s by his colleagues Joschka 
Fischer and Daniel Cohn-Bendit.

Michael Bauchmüller from the Süddeutschen Zeitung draws a link between the 
burning of cars and masked stone-throwers and a political perspective that 
questions the existing social order. "All those, however, who together with the 
G8 want to consign the whole system to history [... ] should remain at home for 
the next few days. They are the bearers of discord in a world that is 
struggling for a better future."



While the photos of street battles and reports of a thousand injured, including 
430 policemen (it turns out that of the reported total of 400 injured and 30 
severely injured policemen just two visited a hospital and these two were not 
so badly injured that they had to be kept in overnight), are being eagerly used 
to criminalise any fundamental criticism of capitalism, there is a decided lack 
of interest on the part of politicians and the media in determining precisely 
what took place in Rostock.

In fact, the demonstration began peacefully and proceeded for many hours before 
marchers arrived at the final rallying place at the city's docks. At this point 
the protest had a decidedly festive character with theatre and cultural groups 
at the forefront. Demonstrators and organisers were shocked by the sudden 
outbreak of violence, with participants making a number of attempts to pacify 
both the stone throwers and the police.

In addition, it should be borne in mind that hard-liners in the German interior 
ministry-in particular Interior Minister Wolfgang Schäuble (Christian 
Democratic Union-CDU)-had announced the probability of outbreaks of violence 
weeks before, and then on the evening of the demonstration, with news stations 
showing burning cars and road barricades, called for a further arming of the 
police. Meanwhile CDU politicians are proposing the deployment of the notorious 
anti-terror GSG9 commando force at demonstrations and the equipping of police 
with rubber bullets. The next step can be predicted: a call from Schäuble for 
the use of the German army to suppress domestic opposition.

If, however, one begins considering the Rostock events by posing the question, 
"Who benefited from the riots?" then it is clear that the demonstrators lose 
out on all fronts. The interior ministry, on the other hand, is using the riots 
to justify both those attacks already carried out against freedom of assembly 
(as well as the assault carried out against left-wing organizations and 
globalization opponents, whose offices and dwellings were raided in the middle 
of May) and to prepare new and even more far-reaching attacks and police 
measures.

In this respect it is necessary to examine a number of obvious contradictions 
in the behaviour of the police and the security forces.

How is one to account for the fact that the police had warned weeks before of 
"autonomous rioters," but then allowed a closed formation of "black bloc" 
anarchists to parade unmonitored on one of the two demonstrations? Why wasn't 
this "black bloc" accompanied by experienced police units, as is usually the 
case? Why was a police vehicle then parked provocatively in the middle of the 
area leading up to the final rallying point? According to several eye-witness 
reports, the attacks carried out by some members of the "black bloc" on this 
vehicle were the trigger for the intervention by police. Why was no attention 
paid to repeated calls by the organisers of the rally for the removal of the 
vehicle by the large numbers of police escorting the demonstration?

Who gave the order to obstruct photo journalists from taking pictures during 
the peaceful phase of the demonstration? Why were the authorities so keen that 
photos not be taken?

It is well-known that at the start of the year the German authorities 
intensified the infiltration of undercover agents into the "violent autonomous 
movement." In its May 14 edition, Der Spiegel magazine wrote, "At the beginning 
of the year the Federal Intelligence Service (BND) declared globalization 
critics to be an 'operational focal point.' All preparatory meetings are 
observed, the groups involved are infiltrated" by undercover agents.

Just one week before the demonstration, on 29 May, the Bild newspaper reported 
on "secret police plans" in preparation for the G8 summit. According to Bild, 
the first point of a three-point plan reads, "Undercover agents who were 
infiltrated a long time ago by the intelligence services are to provide early 
evidence of planned disruptive actions."

The question therefore arises: how many undercover agents were operating in the 
"black bloc"? What information about acts of violence were communicated to the 
police command by these undercover agents, and why was nothing undertaken to 
prevent these acts of violence? Moreover, were undercover agents involved in 
the outbreak of violence, and to what extent?

These are urgent questions that need to be investigated. In view of the large 
number of casualties, it is necessary to clarify the role played by undercover 
agents. Until this information is made available, it is impossible to rule out 
the use of undercover agents as agents provocateurs on the demonstration.


Genoa 2001

The events of the G8 summit in Genoa in June 2001 took place just a few years 
ago and are still fresh in the memory. During the course of the protest, young 
demonstrator Carlo Giuliani (23) was killed. His family and other victims of 
police violence fought for years to clarify the circumstances leading up to his 
death. Finally, the Italian public prosecutor's office declared that the 
violence at the Genoa demonstration had been initiated by a hard core of 
approximately 200 persons, a considerable number of whom were either undercover 
policemen or right-wing extremists hired by the police. The provocateurs 
discussed their tactics with police, disguised themselves as anarchists and 
mixed with peaceful demonstrators before undertaking their criminal operations.

While the rioters were left largely undisturbed, their violence in Genoa became 
the pretext for the police to move with extreme brutality against the rest of 
the demonstrators. A good deal of evidence has emerged about the police 
provocation. There are numerous reports of the use of massive force on their 
part. Guiliani was shot by a cop. At the same time a particularly savage 
assault took place on the Pascoli school, where hundreds of demonstrators were 
surprised in their sleep and savagely beaten. Afterwards a number had to 
receive treatment in intensive care units.

The pretexts given by Italian police to justify its raid on the school were 
completely disproved by the public prosecutor's office. Police even brought 
along their own Molotov cocktails to plant on the young people sleeping at the 
school.

Anyone who believes that similar things could not happen in Germany is simply 
ignorant of history.

At the end of the 1960s the undercover agent Peter Urbach supplied bombs and 
weapons to members of the Berlin APO (Extra-Parliamentary Opposition), which 
later constituted one of the initial elements of the Red Army Faction (RAF). 
Ten years later a member of the BND blew a hole in the wall of the prison in 
the town of Celle in an attempt to stage a prison outbreak by RAF member Sigurd 
Debus and thereby enable the police to infiltrate the organization.

There have been numerous reports in Germany of the use of police provocateurs 
in more recent years. In May 1993 when East German miners from Bischofferode 
protested in front of government buildings to oppose the closure of their pit, 
policemen garbed as anarchists smuggled themselves into the demonstration and 
then threw bottles and stones at their colleagues in uniform. When some workers 
intervened to stop the rioters and hand them over to the police, the latter 
showed a complete lack of interest. Instead the police officers arbitrarily 
seized a number of workers and beat them brutally.

There have also been a number of reports of the role of deliberate police 
provocations in connection with the Gorleben anti-nuclear protests.


Eye-witness reports

In this connection it is necessary to take eye-witness reports by demonstrators 
in Rostock very seriously. On the Indymedia web site, a number of demonstrators 
have described their experiences. Almost all of the reports stress that for 
most of the day the demonstration had proceeded in a very calm and peaceful 
manner. At the same time, several demonstrators observed-independently of each 
other-that some members of the "black bloc" functioned independently of the 
main body of anarchists and seemed to be in contact with the police.

Thus Rainer Zwanzleitner reports on Indymedia, "We were part of the demo, which 
came from the direction of Hamburg Street, quite near the front. When we 
reached the city's docks we observed how a group of police (approx. 10-20) 
positioned in front of a building site fence began, as if by command, to calmly 
commence putting on their helmets, i.e. to prepare for action. There had been 
no incidents up until that point."

Fearful of a police intervention, Zwanzleitner removed himself with his group 
from this police cordon and continued to move towards the stage set up for the 
planned final rally. "From there we could observe that the police had set off 
towards the head of the demo point. At about the same time several police units 
from the direction of the city centre piled into the demonstration, which had 
come from the railway station." The final rally had already begun and after 
approximately 10 to 15 minutes a member of the organising committee appealed by 
microphone for the police to withdraw and desist with their provocative 
deployments.

Instead the opposite took place. A police helicopter circled directly over the 
stage and flew so low that its noise dominated the entire area near the 
public-address system, making communication from the stage impossible.

"When it became calmer we left the site of the rally at the docks and proceeded 
towards the pedestrian zone. What we saw on the way was nothing less than a 
police camp. There were police vehicles everywhere." Meanwhile another 
threatening situation was brewing at the university square.

"A group of perhaps between 20 and 30 demonstrators dressed in black entered 
the square followed by police units. Some of these demonstrators remained at 
the square, some continued on to the city hall. Then we saw another 3 or 4 
figures dressed in black, who differed considerably, however, from the usual 
picture of an 'autonome': They were notably broadly built, identically dressed 
(thin nylon anoraks, identical trousers and their faces were masked). Under the 
thin clothing it was possible to identify body armour. And even more 
remarkably: they left the square, fully masked, in the opposite direction to 
the others, i.e. directly towards the police, who were moving in. We were then 
unable to ascertain where they went to next." 
(http://de.indymedia.org/2007/06/180968.shtml)

Other participants on the demonstration report that they noticed that members 
of the "black bloc" brusquely rejected political material in the form of 
leaflets and flyers. "This is new for me with regard to the autonomous left ... 
I had the impression that something was not right with these people, they did 
not appear to behave like lefts, nor like left anarchists, " was the report by 
a participant, Anna U.


"Organisational stupidity"

It is not only demonstrators who have criticized the provocative behaviour of 
the police. In Deutschlandradio Kultur Munich police psychologist George Sieber 
described the actions taken by police in Rostock as "operational stupidity." 
The police were following outdated tactics and reacted with disproportionate 
force, Sieber said.

When asked how the violence came about, he answered, "It was like this: an 
escalation had already taken place, long before it really heated up in Rostock. 
What everybody could see was how police officers appeared with very unusual 
body armour, at first glance one might have confused them with marines in Iraq."

When asked by a reporter whether he thought the escalation had been caused by 
the police, Sieber said the escalation had already taken place: "They proceeded 
on the basis of extreme danger or actually felt such a danger, and then 
resorted to security precautions that represented a severe violation of human 
rights. This is what I call escalation-that was in fact the highest level of 
escalation."

The demonstration was initially peaceful. "We had two observers on the spot, 
who notified us by telephone, 'there is an atmosphere here which resembles the 
Love Parade [an annual musical event in Berlin],'" Sieber reported. "Things 
first really got going when a police car was damaged and then a great deal 
happened, which one would describe as disproportionate reaction on the part of 
police officers."

Sieber criticized the fact that the security forces had proceeded almost 
exclusively "in fixed formation." Such deployments, "in fixed formation, in the 
form of a chain, as a combat patrol," are completely outdated and have been 
described since "approximately the 1970s as simply operational stupidity." In 
Rostock "everything actually took place in opposition to what is taught in the 
textbook. And the officials naturally learn at the police academy that one 
should not do it such a way." Therefore "this deployment was from the start 
completely inappropriate."

Following repeated demands by the surprised reporter, who asked whether he was 
really accusing the police command, Sieber replied, "No, this is not a 
reproach; it is possibly even what was politically intended."

This is precisely the question: Were events set in motion with the knowledge 
that photos of burning autos and stone-throwing rioters could be used to 
justify the attacks on the right to demonstrate that had already taken place 
and to prepare for a new assault on democratic rights? Was this what was 
"politically intended"?

An investigation is necessary to determine whether the riots were the result of 
a planned manoeuvre, in which undercover police operated as agents provocateurs 
in the "black bloc," while the police reacted with closed formations and the 
police command prepared to carry out a deployment which resulted in several 
hundred injured demonstrators.

We appeal to readers who took part in the demonstration and possess any 
important information about what took place to send us their material and 
establish contact with the editorial board.

See Also:
Global social, political tensions dominate G8 summit 
[6 June 2007] 
G8 fails to meet aid pledges to Africa 
[6 June 2007] 
Tens of thousands to protest on eve of G-8 summit: Fight against war and social 
reaction requires a socialist strategy 
[1 June 2007]


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



Post message: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subscribe   :  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Unsubscribe :  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
List owner  :  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Homepage    :  http://proletar.8m.com/ 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 

Kirim email ke