http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/06/AR2007090602764.html?wpisrc=newsletter


Petraeus Open to Pullout of 1 Brigade
Top General in Iraq Said to Favor Caution

By Robin Wright and Jonathan Weisman
Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, September 7, 2007; Page A01 

Army Gen. David H. Petraeus has indicated a willingness to consider a drawdown 
of one brigade of between 3,500 and 4,500 U.S. troops from Iraq early next 
year, with more to follow over the next months based on conditions on the 
ground, according to a senior U.S. official.

The pullouts would be contingent on the ability of U.S. and Iraqi forces to 
sustain what the administration heralds as recent gains in security and to make 
further gains in stabilizing Iraq. President Bush signaled the possibility of 
drawdowns after visiting Anbar province earlier this week. After meeting with 
Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan C. Crocker, Bush said he was told that "if the 
kind of success we are now seeing continues, it will be possible to maintain 
the same level of security with fewer American forces."

Administration officials say the president will make the final decision about 
the overall strategy in Iraq, but they suggested that Bush is unlikely to 
depart significantly from recommendations made by top military officials. But 
on the eve of Petraeus's testimony before Congress early next week, there is 
still a diversity of opinion among top U.S. military officials on the eventual 
size and length of U.S. deployments. Petraeus's recommendations could fall on 
the conservative side of preferences among U.S. military planners, with the 
Joint Chiefs and Adm. William J. Fallon, head of the U.S. Central Command, 
concerned about the drain on U.S. forces and the heavy focus on Iraq, U.S. 
officials say.

The testimony of Petraeus and Crocker next week will follow a succession of 
recent analyses of the war that have painted a bleak picture of the Iraqi 
government's efforts to stand alone. The U.S. intelligence community has called 
the government dysfunctional and riven with sectarianism. The Government 
Accountability Office this week found little progress toward 18 measurable 
benchmarks that the president himself laid out in January. And, yesterday, 
retired Gen. James Jones, a former Marine Corps commandant, told lawmakers that 
significant numbers of U.S. troops could and should be pulled out of Iraq to 
spur Iraq's security forces to assume more control of their country.

Those reports have helped stoke a brewing rebellion among moderate lawmakers 
from both parties, who see an opportunity to drive their leaders toward 
compromise. Democratic leaders have signaled they are open to a more bipartisan 
approach to Iraq that would force the Bush administration to begin publicly 
planning for troop withdrawals but would stop short of requiring a firm 
timeline.

"Clearly, we don't have the numbers to override the president's vetoes, as has 
been clearly demonstrated," said House Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.), 
"nor do we expect to for a long time."

Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) has said that he could drop his 
demand for a firm troop withdrawal next spring to win GOP votes. And Speaker 
Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said this week that she will allow a vote on bipartisan 
troop legislation that, without requiring a redeployment, would force the 
administration to begin publicly planning for a withdrawal.

Even with the extension of deployments and the mobilization of reserves for 
multiple deployments, the troop buildup announced by Bush in January is already 
tentatively scheduled to draw down by significant numbers in March and April. 
Many U.S. officials expect the U.S. presence in Iraq to shrink to about 130,000 
troops by next August; in effect, Petraeus is signaling it could be done a 
little faster, though not as fast as some in the Pentagon might want.

"The debate now is, do we want to be at 12 brigades in August or 15?" one 
administration official said recently.

The new effort at compromise by the Democratic leadership could alienate 
liberals. "You may end up with a revolt from my wing of the party if we do 
something that doesn't pass the smell test and, quite frankly, infuriates our 
constituents," said Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), a firm opponent of the war.

But the bipartisan approach put Republican leaders on the defensive yesterday. 
They urged lawmakers to withhold judgment until next week, when they hear from 
Petraeus, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, and Crocker.

"Republicans have said all year that we will listen to those who have witnessed 
our successes and setbacks firsthand, and as next week's testimony approaches, 
we will await any recommendations, next steps or adjustments that may be needed 
in our strategy," said House Minority Leader John A. Boehner (R-Ohio).

With Republican leaders on the defensive and Democratic leaders unsure of the 
legislative path forward, moderates sense that their moment has arrived.

"The House Democratic leadership, in using the Iraq issue in the fall election, 
imposed on themselves a set of impossible tasks, by going way beyond what they 
could reasonably achieve under the Constitution, by creating the illusion that 
they could pull out quickly," said Rep. Phil English (R-Pa.). "I think this 
creates an opportunity to step back from their confrontational stance and for 
Republicans to really reassess where this mission goes from here."

Several groups of centrists -- led by Reps. Nick Lampson (D-Tex.), Steve Israel 
(D-N.Y.), John Tanner (D-Tenn.), Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), Wayne T. Gilchrest 
(R-Md.), Michael N. Castle (R-Del.) and English -- have begun quiet discussions 
about banding together to force the leaders of both parties out of their 
trenches.

"In both parties, there is a push that comes out of a pure desire for 
resolution," Kaptur said. "The question is how you get there. It's going to 
require a bipartisan effort."

Just before the August recess, more than a dozen lawmakers met to forge a new, 
centrist push. A major meeting is planned in the next two weeks to bring 
disparate, ad hoc groups together into a cohesive caucus that would be large 
enough to force showdowns, even if it meant using parliamentary tactics to 
embarrass the party leaders into concessions.

"If you had a group of people who were centrists and who were agreeing on 
issues strongly enough, something like that might practically happen," Lampson 
said, "but I don't think that's the goal."

If the group could hold firm, Pelosi would face a choice of governing with a 
centrist coalition from both parties or dealing with a full-scale revolt. But 
the liberal wing is not about to give in. Recent signals from Reid and other 
leaders that they might drop their demands for withdrawal timelines led some 
Democrats to begin firing back yesterday.

"Rather than picking up votes, by removing the deadline to get our troops out 
of Iraq, you have lost this Democrat's vote," said Sen. Christopher J. Dodd 
(Conn.), a presidential candidate. "It is clear that half measures are not 
going to stop this president or end this war."

The issue that prompted the push was a bill, sponsored by Rep. Neil Abercrombie 
(D-Hawaii), Tanner and English, that would give the Bush administration 60 days 
to apprise Congress of Pentagon planning for troop redeployments in Iraq. The 
bill was yanked from consideration in the House last month after a standoff 
between moderate Democrats and antiwar activists who opposed it. "They allowed 
a few people in the progressive caucus to have veto power over everything, and 
that can't be sustained," Abercrombie said.

In a letter to Pelosi and Hoyer, 10 Democrats and three Republicans this week 
demanded consideration of the Abercrombie-Tanner-English bill, saying: 
"Congress needs to make clear to the American people that we can and will work 
across the partisan divide on issues of such profound importance."

Pelosi said this week that the House will now bring the bill to a vote, but 
that it will be considered with another Iraq measure. That measure is likely to 
be designed to placate an antiwar wing that believes the Abercrombie measure 
will give Republicans a chance to tell their constituents that they are 
standing up to the president but will actually change nothing.

Many Democrats remain convinced that they should force Republicans to their 
side, not compromise on an issue as fundamental as ending the U.S. involvement 
in Iraq. "I have no problem with talking to moderates about alternatives, just 
as long as we're not just giving them cover and getting an agreement for the 
sake of agreement," McGovern said. "I'm out of patience."

Staff writer Michael Abramowitz contributed to this report.


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