PS.
Saya teringat istilah ini:
"simatupang".

--- In [email protected], "Jusfiq" <kesayangan.al...@...> wrote:
>
> 
> Benernya udah terlambat..
> 
> Udah ketahuan bahwa Islam itu cuman jelmaan salah satu sekte Nasrani, jadi ya 
> nggk bisa di reformasi.
> 
> Bisanya cuman ditinggalin, kayak kapal Titanic yang sedangkaram.
> 
> PS.
> 
> Saya teringat istilah ini:
> 
> "The so-called Islamic reformers remind me of the salon orchestra, which -
> in a heroic display of giving the passengers the illusion of normalcy -
> continued to play on the deck of the Titanic until it went down. Likewise, the
> reformers are playing an alluring melody, but know full well that no one is
> listening anyway."
> 
> http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/message/288058
> 
> --
>    
> 
> Pursuing an Islamic metamorphosis
> 
> The Muslim world faces a decline similar to that of medieval Europe; a 
> potential rebirth requires a new consensus.
> Mohamed El-Moctar El-Shinqiti Last Modified: 17 Oct 2010 14:11 GMT
> 
> Reformists should focus on the rule of law, rather than the legal tradition 
> from which law is drawn [EPA]
> 
> In his book, The Autumn of the Middle Ages, Dutch historian Johan Huizinga 
> describes the decline of the medieval world as a process of "dying and 
> rigidifying of a previously valid store of thought".
> 
> The main thesis of Huizinga's book is that, by the fourteenth and fifteenth 
> centuries, the cultural forms and norms on which medieval Europe was based 
> became overused and exhausted. When any ideal becomes exhausted, it fails to 
> be a source of inspiration; rather it becomes an artificial burden.
> 
> From Huizinga's perspective, the European world of the late middle ages was a 
> world of artificial vanity and self-deception, a ruin of a world that had 
> died a long time before.
> 
> I think that the abstract aspect of Huizinga's thesis on cultural forms is 
> enlightening, and can be extended to explain transitional moments in other 
> cultures, including contemporary Islamic culture. The cultural legacy modern 
> Muslims inherited from their ancestors is exhausted, and - with lack of 
> self-criticism - much of this legacy is becoming a burden rather than a 
> source of inspiration.
> 
> The Islamic world is going through a deep metamorphosis. The lessons of 
> history from the American and French revolutions show that these kinds of 
> transitive moments are sometimes bloody and painful. At this moment, Muslims 
> need new ideas and ideals that transcend their divisions and heel their 
> wounds.
> 
> One of these deep wounds is the conflict between secularists and Islamists, 
> and that is what we will explore here. 
> 
> State and religion
> 
> At the heart of the crisis of Muslim societies today is the lack of consensus 
> about the social contract on which society should be based, especially in 
> terms of an agreed understanding for the relation between religion and state.
> 
> Secularism can be seen from an institutional, legal or ideological angle. In 
> the western experience, it is also important to distinguish between the 
> Anglo-Saxon 'soft' secularism which basically means positive neutrality of 
> the state towards religion, and the French 'hard' laïcité that goes beyond 
> neutrality to  negative intervention against religion.
> 
> Institutional separation between religious and political organisations is not 
> difficult to accept in the Islamic world. It is indeed in compatibility with 
> the Islamic historical experience, where religion was never institutionalised 
> as a political competitor with the state, the way it was in medieval 
> Christianity.
> 
> But ideological secularism the French way, and legal secularism that excludes 
> Islam as a source of legislation, will never take root in Islamic culture.
> 
> Historical potential
> 
> Muslims cannot, however, continue ignoring new developments in the morality 
> of all humanity regarding the religion-state relations. First, the foundation 
> of the modern state is geographical, not faith-based.
> 
> Second, the equality of all citizens in political rights is, theoretically at 
> least, unquestionable in any respected modern state. Third, every nation 
> needs to consider the laws and legislation of other nations.
> 
> Fortunately for modern Muslims who are deeply rooted in their cultural 
> heritage, there are potentials in their inherited culture that might help. 
> First, Muslim societies have always been open to religious diversity.
> 
> The unbroken existence of Christian minorities in the Middle East from the 
> birth of Islam until today is a good illustration of this potential. Second, 
> Islamic law is very flexible and open to perpetual interpretation and 
> adaptation, and it is easy to incorporate most modern laws within the Islamic 
> legal vision. 
> 
> Three players
> 
> A closer look at the conflict over religion and state in the Islamic world 
> reveals the existence of three players who have a stake in the outcome of 
> this conflict. These players are the Muslim majorities, the non-Muslim 
> minorities, and the non-practising Muslims. Each one of these players has its 
> own set of concerns.
> 
> The Muslim majorities see Islam as an essential part of inspiration in public 
> life, and they don't want their value system to be compromised. They are also 
> afraid of foreign manipulation of the minority's case.
> 
> Some people among these majorities believe that the issue of secularism is 
> irrelevant. We have no church, they argue, and secularism, by definition, is 
> "the separation between the state and the church".
> 
> Some would even go as far as saying that Islam is a secular religion, and we 
> are already secular, because we have no clergy who have a claim on being 
> God's legate on earth.
> 
> The non-Muslim minorities don't want to be treated as second class citizens, 
> and they don't want their religious freedom restricted. They are not willing 
> to accept less than equal rights and responsibilities in their land of birth.
> 
> As for non-practising Muslims, Islam is acceptable as an individualistic 
> observance, but not a social or political system. They believe the state 
> should avoid legislation of morality, especially religious morality.
> 
> Towards a compromise
> 
> The three players in this Islamic metamorphosis need to come to a historical 
> compromise that will save much time and energy, and help produce a swift 
> transition of the Muslim societies to democracy and modernity. 
> 
> Non-Muslim minorities and non-practising Muslims need to accept the fact that 
> Islamic law is too rich and too important to be discarded. The historical 
> analogy with Western experience is misleading, since there was never a 
> universally subscribed to "Christian law" that governed societies and states. 
> Unlike the Islamic law that has been the law of many Muslim states and 
> empires throughout the last 1400 years, the medieval Canon law was to govern 
> the Church, not the state or the society at large. 
> 
> Muslim majorities need to accept that faith is no longer the basis for a 
> social contract; geography is the new basis.
> 
> They must also guarantee the political and legal equality of their non-Muslim 
> and non-religious citizens. Any legalisation of discrimination against 
> non-Muslim citizens in terms of constitutional and political rights is 
> absurd. Unfortunately that is what we still have today in many Arab 
> countries—including the very secular ones, where constitutions deprive 
> non-Muslim citizens from running in presidential elections (good for them 
> anyway, since the elections are never fair or transparent).
> 
> Institutional secularism that prevents rulers from misusing religion, and 
> guarantees freedom of conscience for all, should be accepted by all. 
> Ideological secularism that chases religion away from public life should be 
> rejected by all, because it is pure coercion.
> 
> Legal secularism that ignores the centrality of Islamic laws is meaningless. 
> However, a great reinterpretation and adaptation of Islamic laws is necessary 
> to help this compromise take place. These laws are flexible, and there has 
> never been a monopoly in interpreting them.
> 
> Rule of law
> 
> Those who complain about Islamic laws need to shift their discourse to a more 
> positive and practical formula: what should matter for them should be 
> equality before the law, more than the source of the law.
> 
> As I told my friends at a Texas church a few years ago, I don't care if US 
> law is drawn from a biblical source or a Roman source; what I care about is 
> that the law does not discriminate against me as a Muslim.
> 
> The three players in the debate over religion and politics in the Islamic 
> world need to be focusing on the rule of law instead of fighting over what 
> kind of law should rule. 
> 
> The Islamic world has suffered a lot from the lack of consensus on the social 
> contract within Muslim societies.
> 
> It is time to explore new roads towards this necessary consensus. Both 
> Islamists and secularists share the responsibility to achieve common ground 
> through mutual respect and compromise.
> 
> A creative synthesis that is seen by Islamists as 'Islamic', and by 
> secularists as 'secular', is very possible. After all Islam never accepted 
> splitting the human personality into spiritual and material parts, and the 
> Islamic ideal was never the self-absorbed asceticism, but the practical 
> ethicality.
> 
> Mohamed El-Moctar El-Shinqiti is an author in political history and history 
> of religion. He is a research coordinator at the Qatar Foundation in Doha, 
> Qatar.  
> 
> The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not 
> necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy. 
> Source:
> Al Jazeera
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> Topics in this article
> People
> 
>     * Johan Huizinga
>     * El-Moctar El-Shinqiti
> 
>       
> Organisation
> 
>     * Qatar Foundation in Doha
>     * Environmental Protection Agency
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